Rahvusvaheliste suhete õppekava magistritööd – Master's theses

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Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

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Aafrika Liidu saavutused vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamisel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Jugaste, Liis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Käesoleva magistritöö keskseks teemaks on vastutus kaitsta põhimõte. See on printsiip, mille kohaselt on esmane inimõiguste kaitsja riigis selle valitsus, mille tegevusetuse ning suutmatuse korral liigub vastutus edasi rahvusvahelisele kogukonnale. Kuna vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamiseks rahvusvahelise kogukonna poolt kasutatakse humanitaarset interventsiooni, rikutakse sellega teisi rahvusvahelise õiguse norme nagu suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld. Tulenevalt asjaolust, et suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld on ülemaailmse rahu huvides väga olulised printsiibid, võib vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamist nimetada pigem erandiks kui reegliks. Seetõttu on oluline uurida, kuivõrd edukad on olnud humanitaarsed interventsioonid vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte elluviimisel. Magistritöö keskendub Aafrika Liidu võimekusele tagada inimõiguste kaitse Aafrika mandril, sest Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioon, kes on esmane rahvusvahelise tasandi inimõiguste kaitsja, on tihtipeale võimetu sekkuma katastroofilistesse inimõiguste rikkumistesse antud piirkonnas. Aafrika Liidu saavutuste hindamiseks keskendub magistritöö organisatsiooni poole läbi viidud missioonidele Burundis, Darfuris, Somaalias ja Komoori saartel. Juhtumite võrdluse eesmärgiks on hinnata Aafrika Liidu sekkumise kiirust, missioonile seatud eesmärkide täituvust ja nendeni jõudmise kiirust ning panust olukorra lõplikku lahendamisesse. Juhtumianalüüside põhjal võib järeldada, et Aafrika Liit on iseseisvalt võimeline sekkuma otsustavalt vaid lihtsamatesse konfliktidesse, nagu seda näitavad interventsioonid Burundisse ja Komoori saartele. Aafrika Liidu missioonid on edutud siis, kui konflikt piirkonnas on laiahaardelisem ning agressiivsem, sest organisatsioonil on raskusi piisava suurusega vägede kokkusaamisega, samuti on probleeme missiooni rahastamise ning organisatoorse poolega. Kuna Aafrika Liidu sekkumised humanitaarkatastroofidesse on tihtipeale kasutud, peaks Aafrika Liit panustama rohkem rahu ja julgeoleku arhitektuurina väljatöötatud mehhanismi käimasaamisesse.
Assessing the development of Germany’s influence at the EU level in three recent crises
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Meresma, Kerstin; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to research the development of the projection of Germany’s influence through three crises that have fractured the project know as the European Union (EU). The crises in question are the security crisis, the refugee crisis and the Eurozone crisis. These three issues that the EU has faced have significantly influenced each state within the union and the EU as an organisation as a whole. Thus analysing Germany’s political influence on the policies made on the supranational level and comparing them with national policies is a good way to determine whether or not the policies practiced nationally and supra-nationally overlap. Firstly, liberal intergovernmentalism will be used as the theoretical framework for this thesis, it will be introduced and conceptualised. Additionally, critical discourse analysis will be used for an in depth analysis of the three cases subject to research in this thesis. Secondly, the methodology of the research will be provided and explained followed by the three case studies. The security crisis in the EU refers to Russia’s growing hostility towards the west and annexation of Crimea. Secondly, the refugee crisis refers to the Syria migrant crisis that started in the beginning of 2014. Since then, over a million people have travelled to the outer borders of the EU to seek asylum in Europe. Thirdly, The Eurozone crisis that began with the economic collapse of Greece and its inability to meet the requirements of ECB (European Central Bank) for financial aid greatly influenced the EMU (European Monetary Union) as a whole. The research will be based on official government documents available on the German Federal website and only material available in English will be used. Each case study will a have set of 5-7 indicators that will project the relationship between German and EU- level policies. The indicators are based on the articles of the Treaty of the European Union.
Balti riikide energiajulgeolekualane koostöö regionaalse energiajulgeoleku kompleksi strukturaalse muutuse kontekstis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Joosep, Elke; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Balti riikide mainekujunduse tulemused: Eesti, Läti ja Leedu kuvandi võrdlus välismeedias
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Jõesaar, Mattias; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Magistritöö eesmärgiks on uurida, millisel määral on Eesti, Läti ja Leedu mainekujunduspüüdlused leidnud vastukaja välismeedias. Magistritöö keskendub teoreetilises osas avalikule diplomaatiale ning riigi brändimise kontseptsioonidele. Teises osas vaatleb Eesti, Läti ja Leedu püüdlusi oma mainet kujundada. Kolmandas peatükis on kasutatud välismeedia sisu uurimiseks standardiseeritud kvantitatiivsete meedia kontentanalüüsi. Analüüsiperioodiks on ajavahemik 1. jaanuar 2013 kuni 31. detsember 2014 ja kasutatud on kolme suure ingliskeelse väljaande, Daily Maili, New York Timesi ja Daily Telegraph’i, sisu. Uurimistulemustest selgub, et 2015. aastaks oli vaid Eestis rakendatud laiaulatuslikku brändingustrateegiat. Läti ja Leedu mainekujundus jäi pigem avaliku diplomaatia piiridesse. Vaatamata kõigi kolme riigi püüdlustele käsitletakse Eestit, Lätit ja Leedut välismeedias ka 24 aastat pärast Nõukogude Liidu kokkuvarisemist 35%-40% ulatuses endise Nõukogude liiduvabariigina. Lisaks kajastatakse neid kõige enam Balti riikidena, mitte mõnes teises piirkondlikus kontekstis. Kõige positiivsemalt kajastati Eestit, kõige negatiivsemalt Lätit. Peamisteks teemadeks, millest Eesti, Läti ja Leedu puhul räägiti, oli Ukraina kriisist tulenev Vene oht Baltikumile, Läti ja Leedu puhul oli Briti väljaannetes palju juttu nende kahest riigist pärit immigrantidest. Üks teema, millega on tegelenud Eesti brändingustrateegia ja mida on Eesti üritanud välismaal teadlikult kajastada, on Eesti saavutused info- ja kommunikatsioonitasandil valitsussektoris. Teatud määral on see leidnud kajastust välismeedias ning umbes 20% Eestit kajastanud positiivsetest artiklitest käsitlesid Eesti e-riigi edulugu. Läti ja Leedu puhul teadlikult edendatav teema ja narratiiv puudus. Seega võib järeldada, et tekkimas on teatud määral bränd Eestist kui e-riigist.
Complex interdependence and peace: a comparative analytical study of Ukraine, Georgia and CIS member-states from 2000-2014
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Parts, Raul; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The idea of the research project is to examine the possible correlation between economic interdependence and security. The following thesis will look at the members of Commonwealth of Independent States in a dyad with Russia over the last decade in order to determine the variables, that accordance with the independent variable, i.e. economic interdependence can affect security in the mentioned dyads. Already from the 1950s, liberals in international relations along with liberals in economics have described the benefits of trade and economic interdependence, making it too costly to engage in a conflict. Globalization theorists have evolved the concept and economists tend to say that the world is (at least in financial terms) very much interdependent. This all should make conflict a very costly option for a state and enforce pacifism between states and in the international arena in general. But economic interdependence can also be of asymmetric nature, making the costs of a conflict very high to one counterpart and thus reducing the threat of a conflict to the second counterpart. The thesis will look at how economic interdependence along with other relevant variables can affect conflict or perhaps prevent it from happening in the first place. A theory is presented and it is tested through corroborative examples of military disputes between Russia and the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
The contemporary development of the concept of the twin cities: the case of cross-border cooperation between Narva and Ivangorad
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Tambi, Sergei; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The post-World War Two period witnessed an intensive development of such a form of international cooperation as twin cities. Stronger and more intensive cooperation between borderland municipalities of neighboring states was possible due to the realization of the fact that thanks to this integration instrument it was possible to jointly overcome crisis laden situations and phenomena. The common cultural and historical heritage maintained through this instrument contributes to normalization and thriving of border areas of states. This process is of special importance for those borders which are located between Russia and European Union and/or NATO member states. This Master’s thesis considers the role of local governments in creating the points of contact between the twin cities which stimulate in their turn larger networks of contacts at different levels. It also shows how the theory of securitization (without which it is impossible to imagine a Conception of twin cities) makes an impact on relations between border municipalities. I have considered the case of Narva and Ivangorod as twin cities, which currently have achieved impressive results in developing a long term and sustainable model of cooperation. In order to support the evidential base of my paper, I consider two other pairs of twin cities, which are located in situation similar to that of Narva and Ivangorod, specifically Imatra-Svetogorsk and Kirkeness- Nikel. The process of securitization which permeates the level of both bilateral relations (Estonia – Russia), NATO – Russia and EU-Russia levels, when reaching the inter-municipal level, bеcomes weaker and damped as if there is a “safety bag”. At the lowest level (considering the Narva-Ivangorod case), we see the detailed, preplanned cooperation, several bilateral agreements signed, visits of officials, preconditioned by the joint municipal agenda, spontaneous meetings, which are the catalysts of forming a bilateral inter-municipal cooperation. The thesis tries to prove conclusively that NATO, the EU and Estonia (on the one hand) and Russia (on the other hand) are quite interested in securing their state border safe and peaceful. Thus, in contrast to the “top power” level, at a lower (inter-municipal) level, the relations between Narva and Ivangorod have been in the desecuritized status despite the attempts made by the central governments of the states of concern and international organizations involved as well as other actors to “heat up” the situation at the both sides of the Narva river. The non-traditional actors such as the city twins (border adjacent municipalities) represent an actors in the international relations, together with the states, transnational corporations, international governmental and nongovernmental organizations. The mutual relations between Narva and Ivangorod are in contrast to the relations between NATO and Russia, the EU and Russia, Estonia and Russia.
Could effective usage of social media increase soft power of the small states? Estonia`s example
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Naggel, Martin; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This thesis seeks to draw attention to the changing nature of power and diplomacy in the age of increasingly networked and digitalised society of 21st century. Having a large army of soldiers and tanks could help to win a battle, but in order to be the winner in a war there must be other capabilities as well. Moreover, some smaller states do not have an opportunity to spend enormous resources on military – they have to find other ways to achieve their foreign policy goals. Today the battlefield is located inside people`s heads – the ability to attract and influence is crucial for achieving desired outcomes. After giving an overview about different facets of power the discussion continues with the examination of how the soft form of power could be made to work in reality. The author argues that the most fundamental aspect of this is proper communication with the focus on digital diplomacy – using digital tools (like social media) for engaging with foreign audiences and making public diplomacy. The main conclusion from theoretical part is that states which are ready to face these new challenges are most probably more successful in reaching their foreign policy objectives in the near and long future. In other words, digital diplomacy and effective communication are crucial steps for small states in turning soft power resources into actual influence. Empirical part of the thesis concentrates on a small state that could be considered a digital success story, namely Estonia. Analysing the usage of social media by Estonian foreign policy actors, the thesis seeks to point out how active and successful these actors have been in using social media for digital diplomacy and for engaging with foreign audiences. The results suggest that while there are some positive examples among these actors, there are also many shortcomings – some actors still seem not to understand the growing importance of digital diplomacy nor they do not make the most use of the opportunities social media offers. The thesis concludes with the Estonian case studies on digital diplomacy and with the discussion on potential benefits that using social media could bring with – like countering Russian propaganda and ensuring the coherence in Estonian society.
Country branding as a way to increase country’s international importance and the brand of Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Otsmaa, Sten-Arne; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to study how a small state can increase its influence in the international relations by branding itself. The thesis is studying the case of Estonia and analyses Estonia’s brand’s reach in the United Kingdom and Germany through two large events taking place in Estonia – Tallinn Music Week and Tallinn Black Nights Film Festival. This thesis analyses relevant literature on country branding, but as well how branding is related to country’s cultural diplomacy and public diplomacy and how those benefit the country’s soft power. The study found that the brand of Estonia creates average associations between the events taking place in Estonia and the brand of Estonia, because it appeared that the brand of Estonia is successful linking together some keywords, but unsuccessful to associate more specific or more defining aspects of Estonia to events. The importance of this thesis and study is that on the one hand it provides analysis of relevant literature and explains the importance of country branding in the today’s international relations, but on the other hand demonstrates brand’s ability to promote country and provides the study on the case of Estonia.
Cross-Strait relations of China and Taiwan: analyzing legitimacy of Kuomintang’s policies 2008 – 2013
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Prants, Kreet; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The following research will take a closer look at the cross-Strait relations of mainland China and Taiwan starting from the 2008 (presidential and legislative) elections in Taiwan, when the Nationalist Party Kuomintang and their presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou came to power. During the course of the work the political actions and statements of the leaders of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC) and the representatives of the relevant institutions such as the Taipei-based Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Beijing-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) will be reviewed while cross-referencing information about the concurrent public opinion surveys on Taiwan. This will help understand the public’s response to the KMT policies and therefore to deduct if the policies can be called legitimate.
A (de)construction of normative power Europe: the case of military intervention in Libya
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Leek, Maria; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Delegation and efficiency: comparison of Telecom Single Market negotiations under the Italian and Latvian Presidency of the Council of the EU
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Pilar, Klaus-Erik; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to study why some Member States are more efficient in mediating the negotiations during the Presidency of the Council of the European Union than others. To fill the gap in current academic research, the emphasis is put on how the model of coordination between the presiding country’s capital and Permanent Representation in Brussels affects the performance of the Presidency. Rational choice institutionalism provides the opportunity to conceptualise efficiency of the Presidency as the advancement of the negotiations on a priority initiative, rather than protection of national preferences as defined conventionally. The principal-agent model offers the necessary analytical tools to examine different models of coordination for European Union policies. This theoretical approach provides also the adequate analytical tools to study the link between model of coordination and efficiency of the Presidency, leading to the hypothesis that Brusselsbased Presidencies are more efficient in leading the negotiations on a priority initiative than the Presidencies that have adopted capital-based models. In the empirical part of the study qualitative comparative method is used to compare the performance of Italian and Latvian Presidencies in advancing the negotiations on Telecom Single Market proposal. The analysis of written documents and input from interviews indicate quite clearly that Latvian Presidency was much more efficient in its role as the mediator of the negotiations on this dossier. The findings also demonstrate that there is significant variation in the adopted model of coordination. Whereas Italy opted for a capital-based Presidency, Latvian Presidency was Brussels-based. To large extent the assumptions presented in the theoretical part of the thesis were confirmed. The Latvian Brussels-based Presidency was able to make decisions much faster and on spot, whereas Italian Permanent Representation had to endure extensive interventions from the capital, which made the progress slower. The findings also indicate that Latvian Presidency was able to act as an “honest broker” and go beyond its national preferences in order to reach a compromise. Additionally, it was confirmed that Brussels-based model enables better cooperation with other actors due to higher level of trust. However, the premise that the Brussels-based Presidency is more efficient due to better cooperation with the Council Secretariat was not proven. All in all the findings of the study show that the main hypothesis is correct and Brussels-based Presidencies are more efficient in advancing the negotiations on priority initiative.
Discourses and emotions in narration of the annexation of Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Remizov, Oleg; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this thesis is to analyze how the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation is narrated in the leading political discourse and media discourse. This is done by examining two main cases that represent the discourses, a political speech of president Putin and a documentary film by Andrey Kondrashov, through the encoding/decoding model of Stuart Hall. The thesis first identifies the relevant theoretical stances that explain how using the approach of cultural studies helps to analyze images, texts and emotions in politics. The thesis then offers an overview of the Russian case, highlighting the main motives behind the annexation of Crimea and meaning of Crimea for the Russian identity. This is later followed by the analysis of the speech and the documentary. Since the approach of Stuart Hall only identifies the types of encodings and decodings, this thesis seeks to add an additional analysis to the encoded and decoded messages, by identifying narratives and emotions used by the leading political and media discourse. The thesis found that a certain set of narratives and emotions were used by both discourses in explaining the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. These narratives were quite similar to one another, almost constituting an overlap of the discourses. In order to strengthen the messages, both the speech and the documentary were encoded with strong moral emotions that in turn caused emotional responses at the stage of decoding. The reaction of the audience, hence the decoding stage, was observed via comments in social media, news articles and the blogosphere. The results showed that most of the audience interpreted the messages in a dominant-hegemonic key, thus agreeing with the essence of the proposed messages. The encoded narratives were clearly embraced and empowered by the public. Those narratives containing strong moral emotions got mirrored more often by the audience, thus stressing the power of emotions in delivering messages.
Economic growth and foreign policy of regional powers - a case study of Turkey in the Middle East
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Viisimaa, Heiki; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to explore the relationship between economic growth and the foreign policy of regional powers. It is a single case study of Turkey in the Middle East region. This thesis uses the regional level of analysis and explores different conceptualizations of regions in international relations. Mainly it focuses on the regional security complex theory formulated by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever. Hypothesis for the analysis is that economic growth experienced by regional powers enables them to spend more resources to increase their capability of power projection. Increased amount of resources together with the desire to strive for regional hegemony, pushes regional powers to adopt a more active and asserting foreign policy in their own region. The conducted analysis about Turkey reveals that economic growth correlates strongly to the amount of available resources Turkey has for conducting foreign policy. To analyze Turkish foreign political engagement and activity in the region, press releases from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs were used. The analyze based on them indicated that during the years following a fast economic growth Turkish officials undertake more trips to countries in the Middle East and the number of mentioning of Middle East countries in press releases increase. That indicates that economic growth correlates positively with regional foreign political activity. Qualitative analysis of the press releases reveals that Turkey has adopted a more assertive and critical foreign policy towards Iraq, Syria and Egypt compared to 10 years ago. Therefore, the hypothesis of this thesis is considered to be true.
Eesti noortepoliitika euroopastumine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Valss, Nele; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Rannala, Ilona-Evelyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Euroopa Liidu liikmesriikide süveneva majandusliku ja poliitilise integratsiooni valguses on mõiste euroopastumine uurimisväljana viimase paari aastakümne vältel üha enam tähtsust kogunud. Euroopastumise analüütiline raamistik võimaldab uurida Euroopa Liidus ja liikmesriikides asetleidvate muutuste suunda ning ulatust. Euroopastumise põhjuste analüüsimiseks noortepoliitika valdkonnas annab parima raamistiku “sobivuse määra” kontseptsioon. Noorus kui osa elutsüklist on nüüdisaegsete ühiskonnatrendide tõttu raskesti piiritletav, muuhulgas seetõttu, et hariduse omandamisest on saamas elukestev protsess. Noortevaldkonna kiire arengu tulemusena on Euroopa Liidus ning Eestis viimase 20 aasta jooksul tähelepanu keskmesse sattunud lõimitud noortepoliitika, mille keskmes on noor. Käesolev töö lähtub autori eeldusest, et euroopastumise ilmingute taju ja Euroopa Liidu mõju Eesti noortevaldkonnale on seotud, soodustades teadmistepõhise noortepoliitika arengut. Töö eesmärgiks on kaardistada Eesti noortevaldkonna ekspertide taju Euroopa Liidu ja Eesti noortepoliitika arenguseoste suhtes. Analüüsi tulemusel selgus, et Euroopa Liidu ja Eesti noortepoliitikaid hinnatakse kokkusobivaiks. Eesti noortepoliitika euroopastumist peeti üldjuhul positiivseks, euroopastumist põhjendati ajaloolise tausta, ühiste vajaduste ja väljakutsete ning finantsmehhanismidega.
Eesti teaduspoliitika euroopastumine: avatud koordinatsioonimeetodi rakendamine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vainik, Mikk; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this Master’s thesis is to foster the academic discussion on Europeanization by focusing on the mechanisms of Europeanization in policy areas governed by so-called soft law instead of the acquis communautaire. This is in line with the recent trend of increasing voluntary coordination and integration in policy fields that deriving from the principle of subsidiarity would otherwise lie only with the member states. More specifically, the thesis asks what kind of mechanisms should one anticipate to function in soft law governance. Additionally, the paper seeks to find answers to questions such as whether and why europeanization occurs in Estonian research policy, thus completing the set of questions usually anticipated in Europeanization research. The thesis is a a qualitative case study on the Europeanization of Estonia’s Research Policy, which is minimally regulated by the acquis --- instead, the main mechanism of Europeanization in this area is the open method of coordination (OMC), a voluntary learning tool introduced for governing EU research policy at the Lisbon Summit in 2000. The theoretical part of the paper builds on the recent literature on Europeanization mechanisms and new institutionalism. Europeanization is introduced as a concept and an analytical framework. Radaelli’s (2000) famous definition of Europeanization as EU influence on ‚ways of doing things‘ in different member states settings is used as a background in which different mechanisms are thought to be at work. Following Börzel and Radaelli among other influential writers, the list of mechanisms studied includes, among others experiential learning, socializing, problem-solving, conflict resolution, veto players, uploading and downloading policies and a number of mechanisms specific to the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries borrowed from Grabbe. It is anticipated that while having certain and well-studied effects during the nineties, the choice – and in some cases also the meaning – of mechanisms has substantially changed due to the different nature of soft law in comparison with the acquis. The analysis of europeanisation mechanisms is complemented by a study of new institutionalism as the theory mostly used in recent Europeanization research. This trend is explained by the fact that more traditional International Relations (IR) theories were unable to explain the rush of integration that followed the enactment of the Single European Act (SEU) in 1986. Instead, the importance of institutions rose to the center of Europeanization research. As is well known, there are many strands of new institutionalism, namely rational choice (RCI), sociological (SI) and historical (HI). The biggest difference between these is whether actors follow the logic of consequentiality (RCI) or the logic of appropriateness (SI). Following Jupille et al (2003), it is demonstrated that the strands, although different, have potential for dialogue that could provide better answers to the why states integrate or not. For the purposes of this study, historical institutionalism that allows the interplay of both logics (consequentiality and appropriateness) is anticipated to explain the Europeanization of Estonian research policy sufficiently. This rationale has many reasons. Among the more important ones is the ability of HI studies to show and explain first of all the genesis of the certain policy field and of the context in which Europeanization is expected to manifest itself. Additionally, scholarly articles on EU enlargement have shown that while RCI arguments may have been more important in earlier rounds of enlargement, then the accession of CEE countries to the EU has been dominated by constructivist logic of appropriateness. Taken together, the Europeanization framework and a synthesis of different new institutionalist strands provided a number of expectations to be empirically tested. The choice of qualitative case study as the most suitable methodology for such a research question follows the overall trends concerning the usefulness of case study as such and the frequent implementation of the method in Europeanization research. The use of the OMC in the Europeanization of Estonian research policy was chosen as case because of its potentially strong ties with the expectations lined out in the preceding part. These include, among others, the interplay of RCI and SI logics, the rising importance of learning and socialising in integration based on soft law, the low importance of EU as gate-keeper and the continual importance of EU Money. Owing to the nature of case study research and HI expectations, the empirical chapter begings by explaining the emergence of research policy into the EU as well as Estonian agendas and the state of the art until early 2000s, when the Lisbon Strategy was originally launched and the policy field was opened to a number of Europeanization mechanisms. Thereafter the rise and character of the OMC is discussed along with an explanation of the mechanisms it is supposed to operate with. The analysis and discussion about the implementation of OMC and the relevant mechanisms is based on extensive documentary research, including but not limited to EU treaties, Council Conclusions, EU Commission communications, documents of the bodies committees, groups) in charge of realising EU research policy goals (most notably those of European Research Area Committee, formerly CREST and the Lisbon Expert Group), the peer-reviews of Estonia’s research, development, technology and innovation policy mixes conducted via the OMC in 2007 and 2012 respectively and relevant Estonian national strategies. Additionally, comments in the form of interviews or in writing were asked from Estonian officials and a peer-reviewer that were actively involved in at least one of the peer-reviews. The results were somewhat surprising. It appears that while soft law is the only way any meaningful Europeanization could occur in the field of research policy, soft law has not invited much integration. It is true that the EU has invited co-operation in this field and the creation of a European Research Area has also been mentioned in the Lisbon Treaty, but at least Estonia is quite reluctant to contribute to the overall goals. The EU is conceived as a means to an end which is to promote the competitiveness of Estonia rather than to worry about the overall output of the Union. This reflects well in the choice of europeanization mechanisms. While mutual learning is valued, the choice of lessons represents what Estonia itself feels as important. The EU peer-review may be distinguished, but so is any foreign aid from well-renowned partners. The results may be used, but only if it felt that both Estonian research and economy are served. In fact, the low extent of europeanisation largely stems from the fact that research itself is a means for the sake of better economic output and effort towards EU goals is less important due to the small size of Estonia compared to larger and more influential economies. Thus it is concluded that while most of the usual europeanisation mechanisms are at work in a policy field dominated by soft law, those allowing the customization of EU effect are chosen by Estonia. At the same time, EU is widening the choice of top-down mechanisms step by step. The application of Europeanization mechanisms is in line with both – the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequentiality – thus justifying the choice of historical institutionalism as the theoretical framework of this Masters’ thesis.
Efficiency of the third energy package: Gazprom vs. Lithuania, case study
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Safonova, Anastassia; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Third Energy Package of the European Commission, enforced in March 2011, brought significant changes to the energy market of the European Union while implementing anti-monopolistic measure of unbundling. Most of all the measures will influence highly monopolised gas-dependent markets of Eastern Europe, especially Baltic States, who rush into implementing the measures hoping to gain energy independence. By studying a single case of a conflict between Lithuania and Gazprom, so far erupted around the new measures, via the analysis of recent events and previous actors’ behaviour tendencies, the thesis concludes that, in a short-term perspective, Third Energy Package regulations are unprofitable and even dangerous to develop within the monopolized gas market of Lithuania taking into account the lack of alternative energy sources and gas suppliers as well as of financial reserves for energy infrastructure transformation. It is proposed, that factual de-monopolization of the energy sector should be realized before implementing relevant administrative regulations.
Exploring the influence of small member states on EU external policies: the influence of the Latvian and Lithuanian Council Presidencies on the Eastern Partnership initiative
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Kopamees, Kenneth; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to challenge the assumption that small member state influence on the European Union’s (EU) common foreign policy has been negligible. Its purpose is to study the influence of two small member states, Latvia and Lithuania, have had on the Eastern Partnership initiative during their respective Presidency of the Council of the EU periods. A third case, Poland’s Presidency, will also be examined and compared with the other two cases. This will allow for a more nuanced understanding of the impact the other two small member states have had in the development of the EaP compared to a bigger member state. Overall, this thesis adds to the existing discussion of small member state influence in three ways: first, it provides an overview of classical and contemporary small member state literature and critically assesses the realist interpretation of small state behavior in the international system; second, it reviews the different methodologies used by various authors and synthesizes a new influence measuring framework; and third, it applies the analytical framework to the selected cases and tests three sets of hypothesis. I argue that three factors can most adequately explain small member state influence: first, small member states must be committed to an issue - it must be of general importance to them; second, they must possess immaterial resources, such as general expertise or they be recognized as leaders in the issue area; and third, small member states are more influential when they use the EU’s institutional setting (such as the Council Presidency seat) to their advantage. The actual extent of influence is measured using three indicators: goal achievement, the ascription of agenda setting, and the ascription of final outcomes. This exercise revealed three conclusions: first, that small states have more influence on the multilateral Eastern Partnership platforms than on bilateral relationships; second, that small member states have more influence on the final outcomes than on the agendas; and third, that the overall goal achievement level is higher when the level of ascription is higher. Based on the results this thesis produced, I conclude that small member states are able to exert a limited amount of influence on the EU’s foreign policy when they use their strengths and resources to leverage their positions vis-à-vis bigger and more powerful member states, but without the support of other actors, the probability of failing to deliver results would be higher.
Geopolitics of sports mega-events: why is international sport moving to emerging countries?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Koorep, Ranno; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
A growing number of major sports mega-events, usually held in Western liberal states, are finding new hosts in the emerging world. This has risen controversial opinions but the question of why this trend is happening remains. The following thesis draws attention to the socio-political factors behind the phenomenon. The theoretical part discusses relations between sports mega-events and the forces of globalization. Theory of hybridization is considered most suitable in the context of the work. Possible explanations to the research question are assessed on the basis of existing literature. Bidding processes for the hosting rights of eight consecutive Olympic Games are examined in the empirical part. It is concluded that the existence of geopolitical aspirations is the most important factor causing international sport to move towards emerging countries.
‘Gifts make slaves just as whips make dogs:’ re-examining neo-colonialism in the context of China’s cooperation with the African continent
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Winter, Katrin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis conceptualises and analyses the concept of neo-colonialism in the context of China-Africa relations, with an emphasis on Zimbabwe. The thesis is built on examples of cooperation between China and Africa, and then China and Zimbabwe, in order to understand the role of China’s foreign policy in Africa as a whole and in Zimbabwe in particular. First, the methodology will be explained, and then a theoretical framework will be offered for geopolitics of resources, followed by outlining the theory of neo-colonialism before empirical evidence on the Sino-Africa cooperation is offered. The following five variables: development cooperation, market and resource seeking, foreign direct investment (FDI), infrastructure projects and soft power, will be considered in a pan-African and then Zimbabwe-specific context with evidence from local and international media, academic journals, government reports and policies, publicly available data, think tanks and international organisations. Then, the role of Africa in China’s foreign policy will be assessed based on these five variables and empirical findings. Finally, concluding remarks will determine the extent to which the following neo-colonial characteristics are present in China’s activities in Africa as a whole and Zimbabwe in specific: (1) noticeable asymmetry in the relationship; (2) a degree of agency from the colonised state; (3) multiple entities to carry out business and other activities, including the state, private- and state-owned businesses and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs); (4) no assumption of a former colonial relationship; (5) multiple areas of spreading influence, including economics, culture, education and other soft power areas. The extent of these in Africa and in Zimbabwe in particular will be assessed using the five independent variables before making conclusive remarks.
Hääletamismustrid julgeolekuküsimustes Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsiooni Peaassamblees: Eesti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Villmäe, Sandra; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut

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