Browsing by Author "Berg, Eiki, juhendaja"

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Aafrika Liidu saavutused vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamisel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Jugaste, Liis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Käesoleva magistritöö keskseks teemaks on vastutus kaitsta põhimõte. See on printsiip, mille kohaselt on esmane inimõiguste kaitsja riigis selle valitsus, mille tegevusetuse ning suutmatuse korral liigub vastutus edasi rahvusvahelisele kogukonnale. Kuna vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamiseks rahvusvahelise kogukonna poolt kasutatakse humanitaarset interventsiooni, rikutakse sellega teisi rahvusvahelise õiguse norme nagu suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld. Tulenevalt asjaolust, et suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld on ülemaailmse rahu huvides väga olulised printsiibid, võib vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamist nimetada pigem erandiks kui reegliks. Seetõttu on oluline uurida, kuivõrd edukad on olnud humanitaarsed interventsioonid vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte elluviimisel. Magistritöö keskendub Aafrika Liidu võimekusele tagada inimõiguste kaitse Aafrika mandril, sest Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioon, kes on esmane rahvusvahelise tasandi inimõiguste kaitsja, on tihtipeale võimetu sekkuma katastroofilistesse inimõiguste rikkumistesse antud piirkonnas. Aafrika Liidu saavutuste hindamiseks keskendub magistritöö organisatsiooni poole läbi viidud missioonidele Burundis, Darfuris, Somaalias ja Komoori saartel. Juhtumite võrdluse eesmärgiks on hinnata Aafrika Liidu sekkumise kiirust, missioonile seatud eesmärkide täituvust ja nendeni jõudmise kiirust ning panust olukorra lõplikku lahendamisesse. Juhtumianalüüside põhjal võib järeldada, et Aafrika Liit on iseseisvalt võimeline sekkuma otsustavalt vaid lihtsamatesse konfliktidesse, nagu seda näitavad interventsioonid Burundisse ja Komoori saartele. Aafrika Liidu missioonid on edutud siis, kui konflikt piirkonnas on laiahaardelisem ning agressiivsem, sest organisatsioonil on raskusi piisava suurusega vägede kokkusaamisega, samuti on probleeme missiooni rahastamise ning organisatoorse poolega. Kuna Aafrika Liidu sekkumised humanitaarkatastroofidesse on tihtipeale kasutud, peaks Aafrika Liit panustama rohkem rahu ja julgeoleku arhitektuurina väljatöötatud mehhanismi käimasaamisesse.
Comfortable bed-fellows? Russia and the radical right after the Crimean annexation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Aitton, Liesa Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study examines the radical rightist stances of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), the Front National (FN), Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and the Vlaams Belang (VB) on Russia in the light of the Ukrainian crisis, in particularly the Crimean crisis. A focus will be placed on the radical right’s foreign policy agenda, and how this shaped their perspective towards Russia. In the past, the scholarship in this field has mostly ignored this topic in favour of analysing the internal dimension. Over the last couple years, the field has expanded to include external factors, such as Euroscepticism and Russophilia. However, most research chose to heavily feature anti- EU sentiments. Thus, questions regarding the relationship between Russia and the radical right remained unanswered. Through an analysis of party programs, voting patterns, and debates in the European Parliament, this thesis measures how and to what extend pro-Russian sentiments have manifested in the external dimension of the radical right. Additionally, patterns of pro-Russian and/or anti-Russian stances, are used to complement this analysis. Regardless of their attitude towards Russia, the findings suggest that the Russian Federation has recently started to appear on the radical right foreign policy agenda. In regard to the FN, the FPÖ, and Jobbik similar pragmatic and Eurosceptic arguments were brought forward to indicate a positive stance towards Russia. The VB supports some of these pragmatic principles as well, but generally perceives Russia in more neutral terms. Finally, those that are critical of the Russian Federation, primarily the AfD and UKIP, tend to use diverging reasons to support their view. As a consequence, patterns on radical right-Russia relations present a rather mixed perspective.
Cross-Strait relations of China and Taiwan: analyzing legitimacy of Kuomintang’s policies 2008 – 2013
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Prants, Kreet; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The following research will take a closer look at the cross-Strait relations of mainland China and Taiwan starting from the 2008 (presidential and legislative) elections in Taiwan, when the Nationalist Party Kuomintang and their presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou came to power. During the course of the work the political actions and statements of the leaders of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC) and the representatives of the relevant institutions such as the Taipei-based Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Beijing-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) will be reviewed while cross-referencing information about the concurrent public opinion surveys on Taiwan. This will help understand the public’s response to the KMT policies and therefore to deduct if the policies can be called legitimate.
Dynamics of Armenia’s role conceptions and expectations 2018–2024: navigating EU-Russia contestation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Aloe, Christopher; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the change of role conceptions and expectations of Armenia from 2018 to 2024, focusing on what can be seen as critical junctures that could induce role changes: the Velvet Revolution in 2018, the defeat of the Second Karabakh war in 2020 and the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. Additionally, the Russian full-scale aggression war against Ukraine in February 2022 significantly altered the geopolitical landscape, intensifying the West and Russian contestation over what is considered to be in-between of these two powers. This study not only explores how a country in the region – Armenia – perceives its role in the world, the contestation of these two powers and who their partners should be, but also how changing conditions and external shocks impact the roles of a country. This examination reveals the volatility and stability of the role a country conceptualizes for itself and others. Armenia’s role was influenced by these events, leading to changes in its role conceptions and expectations regarding the EU and Russia, though not resulting in a complete U-turn. Whereas Armenia initially viewed itself as a faithful ally of Russia, considering Russia a security guarantor, this perception shifted, with Armenia seeing Russia as just another ally/partner, unable to provide security guarantees and even posing a potential threat. Throughout the time Armenia saw itself as being a European democracy and the EU as a partner in democratic development and reforms. Over time, this perception evolved, with Armenia increasingly seeing the EU as a security guarantor and with whom Armenia seeks as close relations as possible. In managing these relations Armenia saw itself in the role of a bridge and, ultimately, also as an independent actor, who has relations with everyone. Additionally, Armenia saw itself in the role of genocide preventer.
Eesti meedias Iraagi sõjale eelnenud debati analüüs kriitilise geopoliitika võtmes
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Ojalill, Tanel; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The effectiveness of economic sanctions: the case of Qatar
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Obgaidze, Nino; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The debates on the effectiveness of economic sanctions have an important aspect of the sanctions’ literature. There are various assumptions of the determinants the “effectiveness” and the implementation of the “target states” policies are considered as one of the key factors. This thesis will introduce the arguments in this debate and will be focused on Qatar’s case, which is one of the recent crises in the contemporary world. In June 2017, four members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates and Egypt imposed the sanctions on Qatar, closed diplomatic and economic ties and as a result, enforced the blockade of the sea, air and the land spaces. As for the response, Qatar rejected the allegations proposed by the Quartet and in order to overcome the crisis, started to develop the states’ economy, agriculture and established the new diplomatic and trade relations with the states all around the world. The purpose of this study is to analyse the impact of sanctions on Qatar and understand how Qatar continued its advancement in the word politics. As a result, this research has found that Qatar managed to substitute the blockading states and establish new trade connections as well as develop agricultural productions.
Elite navigations in de facto states: exploring patron-client relationships in the case of Northern Cyprus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Youksel, Izzet Yalin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis focuses on the patron-client relationship between Turkey and TRNC. Through the use of patron-client relationships theory and ontological security theory, elite navigations as a concept is developed. Patron-client relationships in the international community are most visible in de facto states and this thesis analyses the case of TRNC and the actions of its political elite in their attempts to defy, dictate or demand patronage from the patron state. It was found that ontological insecurities experienced by the public and political elite motivate elite navigations. For elite navigations to be detected, it is important to judge accurately if ontological security is threatened, what sort of demands are made by the public and the personal qualities of the political elite in charge. Elite navigations are closely connected to ontological security and ontological security to exerting agency. That being said, since de facto states rely heavily on their patrons for physical and economic security, their agency is constrained and hard to detect. In the literature de facto states are not granted credit for being effective agents in international relations. Elite navigations and the findings of this thesis display that de facto states possess agency no matter how limited it might be.
Endless conflict or ended conflict. Prospects for permanent peace after second Karabakh war
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Maharramov, Ismayil; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries.
Engaged, yet unofficial? Patterns of engagement without recognition of EU member states with the Republic of Kosovo (2008–2024)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Poure, Joris Charlie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Kosovo’s relationship with the European Union and its desire for membership is one of its most defining characteristics, shaping both domestic and foreign policy. Brussels expresses a duality, being both one of Pristina’s closest allies but also counting among its member states five countries which do not recognise Kosovar independence from Serbia following its 2008 unilateral declaration of independence. Still, EU states and Kosovo are in contact, as displayed by the 2024 visa liberalisation regime with Pristina. At a time where de facto states play a large in shaping the European geopolitics (as displayed by Russia’s recognition of the Georgian and Ukrainian de facto states, near instantly followed by invasions of their neighbours’ territory under international law), our assumption is that such entities need to be studied with attention; Kosovo in particular, as its existence is both a topic of contention at EU level and has been used by a belligerent Moscow as a precedent justifying their actions abroad . This thesis aims to study why non-recognisers (of which were retained three as case studies divided in two groups: Cyprus, Greece, and Spain) have refused to recognise Kosovo since 2008, and how (if they do) do they engage with Pristina and its nationals. For hard non-recognisers, we found political engagement to be limited but not null for both Cyprus and Spain, the former surprising by displaying remarkably high economic engagement levels, and non-recognition being based on fears of precedent setting for secessionism at home justified under the guise of morals, international law, and friendship with Serbia. For our soft-recogniser case Greece, we found expectations-exceeding levels of diplomatic engagement with Kosovo bilaterally and at EU level, the states’ relation being similar to that of two confirmed states. Non-recognition here is found to be due to diplomatic relations with both historical ally Serbia and kin state Cyprus.
Engagement without recognition: assessing Georgia's engagement strategies and their effectiveness in Abkhazia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Abashidze, Giga; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis focuses on counter-secession strategies employed by Georgia in relation to its breakaway region, Abkhazia. The study focuses on Georgia's engagement without recognition policy. The research analyzes the effectiveness of this policy by employing qualitative research methods, including interviews, document analysis, and process-tracing. The study considers the period from 2008 to 2020, with the 2008 August war serving as a crucial event that reshaped the conflict dynamics between Georgia and its breakaway territories.
Euroopa Liidu poliitikad Põhja-Küprose suunal de facto riikide kaasamise kontekstist tulenevalt
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Limperk, Laura; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
External governance effectiveness conditions in European Neighbourhood Policy implementation
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2014) Tartes, Annika; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa Kolledž
This paper systematises problems in European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) implementation in three fields of research and analyses them within the external governance framework, in order to find reasons for ENP's little effectiveness. Based on two research questions and by comparing internal structural problems in the EU, domestic factors in partner countries and international influence to effectiveness conditions from external governance theory, the thesis narrows down key aspects that the external policy's effectiveness depends on. The author's own contribution is the most evidently expressed in the third part where findings are compared to theory and analysed via empirical evidence. The most decisive aspects were found to be domestic factors in partner countries, such as political regime, the interests of governments, lack of democracy, national challenges and possible conflicts in partner countries. However, internal contradictions of the ENP structure – such as EU inconsistency in conditionality application, lack of consensus and focus, conflicting goals, inappropriate one-size fitsall structure and not offering a motivating enough outcome for conducting reforms – and international variables, such as the projection of EU as a soft power, regional competition, possible alternatives to EU integration and Russian foreign policy in its near abroad, have also had its influence on ENP's performance in some cases. The analysis in this paper proves the hypothesis that external policy's effectiveness depends more on external factors than on the policy's internal structure
De facto state normalisation in a time of crisis: an analysis of Transnistria’s management of the COVID-19 pandemic
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Trostel, Melissa; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Nilsson, Rasmus, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The COVID-19 pandemic has thrown the world into a global public health crisis unlike anything experienced this century, throwing people’s lives and the international system into chaos. At this time, we do not have a complete understanding of the influence this pandemic may have had on international relations; nevertheless, it is interesting and important to begin analysing immediate changes. Thus, this thesis aims to take this context of the COVID-19 pandemic and apply it to an underrepresented political entity: the de facto state. The de facto state experience is already unique due to non-recognition and relative segregation from the international community; pairing this with the pandemic provides a compelling research opportunity for analysing the intersection of capacity to act vs. dependence and international engagement vs. isolation. Along these lines, this thesis proposes that the circumstances of crisis allow for altering the level of ‘normalisation’ of the de facto state in the international system. Through demonstrating capacity/incapacity and engagement/isolation de facto state authorities may be able to alter their perception from the international community.
De facto state-patron state relations in two-level game theory: a case study on de facto states in Croatia and Bosnia during the Yugoslav wars
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bastek, Ryan Werner; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
De facto states are political entities that control territory and maintain all the requirements expected of a state except one, they lack international recognition. What they do have, in many cases, is the patronage of a recognized state that will help them to survive in a hostile world. So close is the relationship between patron and de facto states, that many dismiss de facto states as simply being puppets under the total control of the patron state. In this thesis I show how a genuine de facto state can be identified and differentiated from a puppet state; a true de facto state will be able to come to its own decisions rather than simply following dictates from their patron. To do this I examined the cases of the two Serbian-backed de facto states that emerged from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and, through the use of two-level game theory, determine whether they accepted or rejected specific peace plans favored by their patron state based on internal political decisions or were simply carrying out the orders of the patron state.
Failing interventions? assessing the success of liberal peace-building in Kosovo after 2008
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Köppl, Stefanie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Sonnleitner, Dominik, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Dealing with a world of constant crises and wars, the international community is continuously applying efforts in peace-building processes to war-torn countries, in order to impose stability and development. The underlying concept of liberal peace-building and the form it is carried out are discussed critically amongst scholars and creates controversies. Especially in the course of and after the Yugoslav wars the discussion gained additional momentum. This thesis explores and evaluates the success of the international engagement in post-war Kosovo, where the liberal concept was applied extensively after the conflict. For this purpose a single case study, mostly based on document analysis is employed in order to analyse the developments in core areas of liberal peace-building. Set standards and description of the engaged missions support the overall understanding of the situation in Kosovo. The thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of the effects of liberal approaches, as well as the reasons for the prevailing failure in Kosovo. The areas of liberal economy, democratization, human rights and rule of law are found to show major shortcomings for which the reasons lie in misconceptions based within the liberal approach, but also in the structure of the integrated mission carried out in Kosovo. In light of ongoing engagement in Kosovo by international actors, it is discussed that the overall approach of an external imposed framework does not, as intended, lead to liberal democracies. The thesis argues that the roots for instability are strengthened by the international engagement and hinder sufficient development in Kosovo and does essentially not allow a positive outlook.
Geopolitical considerations of Brazil in the Amazon
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Williams, Benjamin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis provides a look into the world of Brazilian geopolitical reasoning and its themes through a lens of critical geopolitics. Using content analysis through theoretically informed coding of textual material to deconstruct the meanings, the relevance of geopolitical reasoning can be exposed, and thereby signify the importance of Amazon for Brazil. The thesis compares two different periods in Brazilian History, the period of 1964-1985 and 1985-2023. The first case represents the period of military dictatorship and the second, a return to democracy. An overview of how Brazil had historically given meaning to the Amazonian space is given which is then followed by an analysis of speeches from first or dictatorship period. Historically the meaning was driven by an understanding of geopolitical thought coming mainly from Rudolf Kjellen, Fredrich Ratzel, and Halford Mackinder. Organic State theory and the idea of a South American Heartland were very influential. An impetus for this development was an unevenly populated and developed country. Resource exploitation, territorial claims, security threats, and economic development are themes prevalent during the dictatorship. Moving into the modern period there is a shift toward themes of economic development based on human rights and environmental security concerns along with an increase in declaring to other nations that Brazil has sovereignty over the Amazon. Though the shift doesn’t happen to the exclusion of resource exploitation or security threats. However, the justification changes. The shift in language from more classical geopolitical thought to more social and environmental themes indicates the significance of geopolitical reasoning in Brazil.
‘Gifts make slaves just as whips make dogs:’ re-examining neo-colonialism in the context of China’s cooperation with the African continent
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Winter, Katrin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis conceptualises and analyses the concept of neo-colonialism in the context of China-Africa relations, with an emphasis on Zimbabwe. The thesis is built on examples of cooperation between China and Africa, and then China and Zimbabwe, in order to understand the role of China’s foreign policy in Africa as a whole and in Zimbabwe in particular. First, the methodology will be explained, and then a theoretical framework will be offered for geopolitics of resources, followed by outlining the theory of neo-colonialism before empirical evidence on the Sino-Africa cooperation is offered. The following five variables: development cooperation, market and resource seeking, foreign direct investment (FDI), infrastructure projects and soft power, will be considered in a pan-African and then Zimbabwe-specific context with evidence from local and international media, academic journals, government reports and policies, publicly available data, think tanks and international organisations. Then, the role of Africa in China’s foreign policy will be assessed based on these five variables and empirical findings. Finally, concluding remarks will determine the extent to which the following neo-colonial characteristics are present in China’s activities in Africa as a whole and Zimbabwe in specific: (1) noticeable asymmetry in the relationship; (2) a degree of agency from the colonised state; (3) multiple entities to carry out business and other activities, including the state, private- and state-owned businesses and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs); (4) no assumption of a former colonial relationship; (5) multiple areas of spreading influence, including economics, culture, education and other soft power areas. The extent of these in Africa and in Zimbabwe in particular will be assessed using the five independent variables before making conclusive remarks.
How does violent conflict affect paradiplomacy? An exploratory research with cases from the North Caucasus
(2022-10-06) Kentros Klyszcz, Ivan Ulises; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
Ülemaailmne suundumus kodusõdade rahvusvahelistumise suunas on toonud uut tähelepanu sisekonfliktide rahvusvahelisele mõõtmele. Kuberneride rolli nendes protsessides ei ole piisavalt uuritud. Millised on vägivaldsete konfliktide tagajärjed osariikide kuberneride rahvusvahelistele kohustustele? Võttes kasutusele paradiplomaatia raamistiku, tehakse selles lõputöös ettepanek vaadelda kubernere kui aktiivseid osalejaid rahvusvahelistes suhetes, kes on valmis kaasama välispartnereid vastuseks vägivaldsele konfliktile nende territooriumil. Selles mõttes on tegemist induktiivse uurimistööga, mis põhineb teoreetiliselt põhjendatud uurimisprobleemil ja püüab täita lünka meie teadmistes. Paradiplomaatia käsitleb üksikute osariikide (või "piirkondade") valitsuste erinevaid vorme, mõjusid ja tagajärgi, mis suhtlevad partneritega väljaspool oma riigi piire. Kuberneride rahvusvahelisi suhteid nimetatakse kirjanduses tavaliselt "paradiplomaatiaks", st diplomaatiaks, mis toimub paralleelselt keskvalitsuse diplomaatiaga. Lecours (2002), tuginedes institutsionaalsele teooriale, käsitas paradiplomaatiat, mis on raamitud võimaluste struktuuridega, mis on osariigi piirkonnale eksogeensed. Need struktuurid võivad olla rahvusvahelised (nt globaliseerumine) või siseriiklikud (nt keskvalitsuse poliitika) ning on sügavalt juurdunud piirkonna ajaloos ja geopoliitilistes oludes (Duran 2015). Jätkan siis arusaamisega, et vägivaldne konflikt mõjutab nii osariigi alamregioonide võimalusi osaleda paradiplomaatias kui ka nende regioonide kuberneride tegevuskavasid välismaal. Just neil põhjustel asusin uurima vägivaldse konflikti mõju paradiplomaatiale. See uuring hõlmab paradiplomaatia lühiajaliste muutuste süstemaatilist analüüsi, antud juhul vägivaldse konflikti ilmnemisel. Uurimisküsimusele vastamiseks ülalmainitud eelduste alusel olen valinud oma uurimisstrateegiaks sarnaste juhtumite ja kontrolljuhtumite ajalooliselt põhjendatud väikese ja võrdleva uuringu. Kuigi riikidel on oodatav hulk rahvusvahelisi institutsioone (nt saatkonnad, ÜRO asukohad, välisministeeriumid), ei ole osariikidest madalamad piirkonnad riigi domineeritud rahvusvahelises süsteemis seaduslikud osalejad (Bartmann 2006), seega on nende lähenemine rahvusvahelistele suhetele riigiti erinev (Criekemans 2010). See varieeruvus on nii üleminekumuutuste kui ka pikaajaliste suundumuste tulemus, mida tuleks mõista paradiplomaatia muutuste jälgimiseks (Duran 2015). Valides juhtumid ühest riigist ja samast ajavahemikust, võin eeldada sarnaseid põhiseaduslikke ja poliitilisi tingimusi välismaal tegutsevatele kuberneridele. Minu valitud juhtumid on kõik Vene Föderatsioonis. Need on Dagestan, Inguššia, Kabardi-Balkaria ja Põhja-Osseetia, kusjuures viimane toimib kontrolljuhtumina. Need kõik on naaberpiirkonnad, millel on sarnased Venemaaga jõulise integratsiooni ajalood. Need on ka kõik piirkonnad, kus mittevene vähemused moodustavad suurema osa elanikkonnast. Ja nad kõik jagavad seda, et nad asuvad perifeerses kohas, eemal Venemaa ja teiste riikide jõukeskustest ning neil on väike piirkondlik majandus. Ülioluline on see, et vägivaldsed konfliktid suurenesid neil kõigil, kuna Imrat Kavkazi juhitud Põhja-Kaukaasia mässud 2000. aastal ja 2010. aasta alguses võimutsesid. Nendes piirkondades saavutasid konfliktidega seotud ohvrid haripunkti 2010. aasta alguses, seega kasutan nelja aastat 2010–2013 hoolika analüüsi ajaraamina. Põhja-Osseetia toimib kontrolljuhtumina, kuna seal ei esinenud samal perioodil sarnast vägivalla kasvu. Nende nelja juhtumi paradiplomaatia muutuste tuvastamiseks keskendusin lühi- ja pikaajalistele suundumustele. Esiteks jälgisin piirkondade omariikluse ja rahvusvaheliste kohustuste pikaajalist arengut, eesmärgiga mõista nende püsivaid geopoliitilisi olusid. Teiseks jälgisin lühiajalisi suundumusi kõigi juhtude andmekogumiga, kus nende nelja piirkonna kubernerid ja kaks asjaomast ministeeriumi suhtlesid ametlikult ja avalikult välispartneritega ajavahemikus jaanuarist 2010 kuni detsembrini 2013. Andmekogum tuvastas kokku 178 Venemaa territooriumil ja välismaal peetud kohtumist. Igaüks neist oli kodeeritud välispartneri riigi ja kohtumise peamise eesmärgi järgi. Muutus registreeriti ajalooliste pikaajaliste suundumuste taustal, Vene Föderatsiooni paradiplomaatia laiemate suundumuste taustal, nagu on dokumenteerinud Stremoukhov (2021), andmestikus tuvastatud lühiajaliste suundumuste taustal. Lisaks võimaldas väikesemahuline uurimistöö ka empiiriliselt rikkalikult kirjeldada analüüsiperioodi jooksul toimunud juriidilisi, institutsionaalseid ja poliitilisi muutusi kõigil neil juhtudel. Tõepoolest, muutusi täheldati nii kvantitatiivses kui ka kvalitatiivses mõttes. Esiteks jäi koosolekute intensiivsus suure konfliktiga piirkondades samaks ja vähenes kontrollpiirkonnas. Teiseks toimusid kõikides kõrge konfliktiintensiivsusega piirkondades üht- või teist laadi institutsionaalsed muutused, näiteks moodustati uued ministeeriumid ja võeti kasutusele uued poliitilised programmid. Sarnaseid muutusi kontrollpiirkonnas ei täheldatud. Kolmandaks, kolm konfliktist mõjutatud piirkonda nägid oma paradiplomaatia ümbersuunamist selle rakendamisel, demonstreerides uusi territorialiseerumise mustreid (Dagestan), uusi rahvusvahelistumise strateegiaid (Inguššia) ja keskvalitsuse suuremat kontrolli (Kabardi-Balkaria). Kontrolljuhtum (Põhja-Osseetia) ei näidanud paradiplomaatia lähenemisviisi ümbersuunamist. Neljandaks oli rahvusvahelise üldsuse tähelepanu humanitaarkaalutlustel nähtav kõigil juhtudel, kuigi kontrolljuhtumi puhul vähem intensiivsusega. Lõpuks, kõigil juhtudel, välja arvatud kontrolljuhtum, oesines juhtumeid, kus vägivaldne konflikt segas nende rahvusvahelisi kohustusi, hoides potentsiaalseid välispartnereid nendega suhtlemast. Lõputöö lõpetuseks pakkudes välja vastus uurimisküsimusele, mis on mõeldud tulevasteks kinnitusuuringuteks. Vastus on, et vägivaldne konflikt asetab osariikide piirkondade paradiplomaatia viiele erinevale, kuigi mõnikord kattule trajektoorile. Need on nimelt tsentraalselt kehtestatud kohustused, tsentraalselt kehtestatud järelevalve, tsentraalselt kehtestatud piirangud ja vägivald kui partnereid eemale tõukav ja sisse tõmbav tegur. Need vastused viitavad tärkavale arusaamisele, et riik on isegi globaliseerumise, konfliktide ja paralleeldiplomaatia kontekstis võimeline manööverdama, säilitama oma tegevusvabaduse ja tegutsema neis tingimustes.
The image of the Nagorno-Karabakh war: a discourse analysis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Wong, Tsz Hin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The objective of this paper is to understand the image of the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 from a constructivist perspective. It aims to provide insights on how ‘war’ can be a subject constructed by norms and meanings. More specifically, we pay attention on the role of the Internet and social media platforms in constructing the war image. This research conducts a discourse analysis within Laclau and Mouffe’s theoretical framework of discourse. By deconstructing the storylines from government officials, think tanks and social communities through official websites, Twitter and Facebook, we are able to form the narratives of both sides which present the overall image of this war. The result illustrates that the narratives of both sides are contradicting with each other based on their different beliefs, values and the otherness they applied in their storylines.
An insight to the EU military missions in Africa: French leadership and beyond
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Särg, Laura; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of the thesis is to analyse the leadership role member states – in particular France – play in implementing the European Union`s Common Foreign and Security Policy with military crisis management missions in Africa. To that end, the research conducted in this thesis is placed within the framework of liberal intergovernmentalist (LI) theory. LI presupposes the centrality of the nation state in the European integration project, allowing for a closer analysis of the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy, and of the member states interests and motivations in the process, coupled with the limitations the system places on possible outcomes, with a focus on France. This is then placed in the integral context of the EU military missions to Africa, starting with Operation Artemis to the Democratic Republic of Congo, followed by EUFOR DRC, EUFOR Chad/CAR and Operation Atalanta/EU NAVFOR, with a brief overview of two non-missions that were under consideration. The thesis argues that EU military interventions in Africa are primarily done at the leadership of France, with the necessity of unanimity and compromise in a heterogeneous, ambiguous framework together with a need for political will and resource allocation from member states severely limits mission mandates as well as gives them a secondary rationale beyond humanitarian considerations.