Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut

Selle valdkonna püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/14984

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Paindlikud töö organiseerimise vormid ja nende rakendamine Eestis Euroopa Liidu kogemuse valguses : dissertatsioon master in European studies kutsemagistri kraadi taotlemiseks
(Tartu : Tartu Ülikool, 2003) Roosalu, Triin; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa kolledž
The role of investment environment and incentives in attracting foreign direct investments
(Tartu Ülikool, 2007) Høiberg, Eva; Varblane, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The objective of this thesis was to analyse investment environment and the incentive schemes in the four transition countries Estonia, Hungary, Romania and Moldova. The outcome of the broad analysis of investment environment was very clear. Estonia possesses the best investment environment in terms of stability, ease of doing business, a highly competitive market, low corruption and freedom. Only in labour market terms, size and with regard to infrastructure was the leading position not in hand. Hungary on the other hand scored highest on infrastructure, although also doing remarkably well in most other categories with the exception of labour market and ease of doing business. Regarding labour market conditions, Moldova had its one victory, otherwise it had to be content with facing less corruption perception than its large neighbour Romania and being slightly bigger in relation to population and area than Estonia. Size was Romania’s largest locational advantage, alongside amazing ease of starting a business, while corruption was Romania’s biggest challenge. The analysis of incentive schemes suggests that the theory regarding the use of fiscal policies as the ultimate focus area in transitional countries is very much reflected in the case countries. All four case countries have a functioning incentive system in place. Hungary has a remarkably well developed and generous incentive scheme, while Estonia seems to have understood the vital importance of a more broad policy approach. Both countries are front-runners in attracting FDI, but both need to keep adjusting and expanding their policy areas, if this is to continue. Hungary could beneficially choose to eliminate the last differences in incentives offered to domestic and foreign investors. This would in turn eliminate bureaucracy and help create transparency in the intricate web of incentives. Romania and Moldova are still somewhat behind Hungary and Estonia in terms of FDI per capita, although Romania has shown an impressive growth rate. It would be beneficial for Romania and Moldova to focus on financial incentives as a supplement to the fiscal ones already in place. All countries have shown a will to reform their systems, which is a positive feature. Estonia deserves praise for its transparent and liberal system. Furthermore, the country has managed to embrace the idea of regional cooperation, while maintaining its own unique policy portfolio. Moldova receives the smallest amount of FDI inflow, also compared to other European countries. Since 2000, the inflow has however begun to pick-up and one most hope that continuous improvements to the policy system will continue to create larger amounts of inflow. A well-developed fiscal incentive is in place with competitive corporate income tax and other generous tax incentives, but the use of financial incentives as well could help development in undeveloped regions. For Moldova, the main challenge in the future will be eliminating macroeconomic imbalances and creating a stable investment environment politically and economically. Focus should be on core policies as well as the macroeconomic environment. Investments into the basic infrastructure will need to be improved and after that, focus on the incentive portfolio can be made. Incentives only seem to be justified if the potential of them can be fully used, this demands that the foreign affiliates attracted are different than the local firms, and that they have some assets which can spill over to the host nation, which than in turn needs to be on a certain level in order to absorb the spillover. An interesting step for Moldova would be trying to attract inflow into the emerging new FDI sectors such as service, but it needs to overcome the other challenges and stop the threatening labour market migration first.
Töötajate õiguslik kaitse ettevõtte maksejõuetuse korral : Suurbritannia, Hollandi ja Eesti võrdlev analüüs: dissertatsioon master in European studies kutsemagistri kraadi taotlemiseks
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2008) Tiisler, Kait; Eamets, Raul, juhendaja
Human rights analysis of homosexuality. Focus study: Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2009) Jaspers, Ilke; Strömpl, Judit, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
My thesis has three main foci: the history of homosexuality, the social acceptance of the homosexuals and the treatment of homosexuality in the legislation, all these issues will be investigated and exemplified by means of Estonia. The question, which guided me through my research, is simple: How is homosexuality perceived in present day Estonia? For this I chose to focus on a few basic parameters, the most important being: what is homosexuality? For this purpose I looked at the history and compared other states to Estonia because in my opinion only by comparative analysis one can truly understand a nation and get an accurate measurement of the perception of homosexuality. The quest for appropriate literature on the aforementioned areas displayed that, even though homosexuality is after ethnicity the second biggest form of discrimination in the EU, not many governments, even within the EU, encourage research about this very delicate topic. For many states discriminating in present day works by simply ignoring the existence of homosexuality, even more than claiming homophobia. When you are from a different ethnicity it is hard for a government to deny your existence, visibility is shown. For a person with a different sexual orientation this is very different. Fear of discrimination leads to a closeted lifestyle, a closeted lifestyle leads to a lack of visibility in society and a lack of visibility leads to a government that does not see the problem. The Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, answered in the New York’s Colombia University when asked about the execution of homosexuals in his country: "In Iran we don't have homosexuals like in your country." General laughter followed from the crowed. "In Iran we do not have this phenomenon, I don't know who has told you that we have it," he said. (BBC News, 2007) Many conservative states believe that homosexuality is a choice or a disease which can be cured and that is spreading due to the tolerance it experiences in many 'Western countries'. Many countries believe that if you prevent the ‘promotion’ of homosexuality, it will not arise in society. Even closer in one of the Baltic states, Lithuania, just last month they approved a law making it illegal to talk about homosexuality in schools and places where youth is present. (The Baltic Times, 2009) When looking at history it becomes clear that homosexuality has been defined differently in different areas and that the concept of ‘a homosexual relationship’ is something very new. The general belief in the West is the necessity for acceptance of homosexuality and by trend it can be said that when a country develops in human rights, it will accept homosexual behaviour. For many conservative countries, like Poland and Lithuania, a development is not making homosexuality a part of the society but is keeping a society with the traditional perception of a relationship between a man and a woman where the natural conception of children is present. If the sexual deviant that homosexuality is, becomes a part of society, it will mean the destruction of the society as homosexuality leads to a lack of children, diseases like AIDS and is often put on the same line as alcoholism, drugs addicts and criminals. Throughout the years this has been discussed a lot and the differences within countries are still there in present day society. Acceptance of homosexuality is still far from well developed, in many states. For Estonia I conducted my own interviews and additionally based my chapters on the research done by Judit Strömpl and by talking with lawmakers in Estonia. I compared Estonia with Russia and Belgium. I chose these countries because of the different level on development. Belgium is known for its total acceptance towards homosexuality, Estonia is developing towards more inclusion and Russia still has no urge to include homosexuality in its society, only pressure from the EU leads to certain legal protections. As homosexuality is still so widely unknown and the numbers of homosexuals for example within Estonia is relatively unknown it is important to first explain things. My main goal with this thesis is to inform people about the history, the development in history and the present day society.
Economics of corruption: game-theoretic modelling of traffic police bribery in transition countries
(Tartu Ülikool, 2010) Mostipan, Ilona; Toomet, Ott, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Jain argued in 2001 that the focus of future corruption studies should be (1) to “build a comprehensive models of how corruption works at the micro as well as at the macro levels” (p.101) and (2) subject the models to empirical tests. Moreover, he noted, “research on effective mechanisms to solve corruption is even scarcer. Although we have a good idea of what approaches are possible, we do not have more than anecdotal information on which approaches work.” (p.102). This study of traffic police bribery does just that. Modelling of utility payoffs has been derived from specifically-designed qualitative study to present determinants behind strategy selection at the micro-level, building a more comprehensive model. The three theoretical model variations of traffic police bribery were subjected to two empirical tests of anti-corruption reforms in the case of Georgia and in the case of Ukraine. As a result, this provides non-anecdotal information on which approaches work—such as the case of Georgia—and which do not. All in all, this thesis also accomplishes the original study aim—development of a game-theoretic framework for modelling of traffic police bribery—by building a model that produces results in line with the empirical cases. Besides filling the gap in research on the issues outlined by Jain (2001), this thesis also incorporates a regional dimension of transition countries to the above modelling. Conceptually, this research generates additional support to both the wage theory of anti-corruption, as well as to the ‘big bang’ theory: affecting factors like wages, probability of detection, ticket-issuing procedures, simplifying rules and regulations are important components of anti-corruption programmes and need to be tackled simultaneously, so as to generate a rapid shift from a corruption to a no-corruption equilibrium. The insights from interviews revealed that respondents utilised all three types of rationalities—instrumental, bounded and expressive rationalities, suggesting that utility-maximising elements of the models have to be further augmented with incorporation of social norms and beliefs about behaviour of others. Hence, this research can and needs to be taken further. The modelling analysis does not include role of past experience and perception about others, while the case studies suggest that past experience is an important determinant, and that replacement of old police officers with new police officers is an effective tool. Suggestions for future research include incorporating dynamics of evolutionary game theory, based on Young (1998), and Mishra (2006) analysis relating to persistence of corruption. Alternatively or concurrently, the aims of the state (that implements the anti-corruption measures) could also be incorporated into the game, taking it away from a micro-level interaction, similarly to the work of Yao (1997). Experimental research where players role-play drivers and traffic policemen, given set variables and objectives, could be considered for further testing of the theoretical framework. Lastly, current methodological shortcomings could be improved by including increasing the sample size beyond the forty-two cases of driver-traffic policeman interaction and incorporating additional empirical cases.
Factors influencing the climate policy in the European Union: the case of Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2010) Robberts, Simon; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Hamburg, Arvi, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The analysis of the Estonian case shows that climate policy in the European Union can not be considered independently. The test of three hypotheses has shown interconnections with other related issues that must be taken into account. Firstly, the high dependency on imported fuels is a weakness that could serve supplying countries in a context of foreign policy. It is not in the interest of the Union to reach ecological goals by increasing its exposure to a foreign control of the energy supply. Secondly, a climate policy could weaken the stability of the energy supply. A weak energy supply could lead to energy shortages that are harmful for the economy and society. Therefore, a special consideration on the maintenance of an acceptable level of security has to regulate the climate policy measures. Thirdly, a climate policy can have an important impact on the energy price. When planning the implementation of such a policy, one has to evaluate the consequences of the measures on the prices that will have to be paid by the end-users. The above mentioned considerations are not computable and therefore, equilibrium models that are often used for forecasting do not take them into account. The assumption of rationality of these models is necessary to allow the representation of the evolution of an economic system but because of it, the effect of important factors such as mentioned in the present thesis can not be represented. Equilibrium models are often used in the field of climate policy forecasting and policy impact analysis (see section 1.1.2). It is therefore important to be aware of the limits of these models and to consider more information than only their results.
Electricity market liberalization, price stability, and energy security: the case of Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2010) Seufert, Eric Benjamin; Molis, Arunas, juhendaja; Palu, Ivo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The efficacy of this thesis‘ hypothesis, given the competing effects of liberalization on each of the components of the energy security model proposed in the theoretical framework in Chapter 1, cannot be evaluated. Each element of the energy security model is complex and diverges empirically from the predicted theoretical outcomes. And these factors are also highly-dependent on a country‘s pre-liberalization resource profile and market structure, further confusing the net effect of liberalization from an abstract, theoretical standpoint. While the effects of increased prices and increased price volatility following a liberalization program induce negative consequences on a country‘s energy security, the diversity and stability of supply provided by liberalization buttress it. These competing effects differ in magnitude and are difficult to quantify. For this reason, the hypothesis can be neither confirmed nor denied. Estonia is likely to face increased prices and increased price volatility as a result of its liberalization program. As explored in Chapter 5, the Nord Pool Spot market exhibits volatility clustering but not mean reversion, with a high degree of volatility. This volatility, as surmised in the theoretical framework, is difficult to hedge against, leaving Estonia‘s economic infrastructure susceptible to a high degree of input price risk which could be disruptive to the continuity of operations for electricity-intensive industries. Liberalization will however inspire confidence in the Estonian electricity market by foreign investors and provide Estonia access to external sources of electricity, which it will need to utilize as it adapts to EU directives mandating its reduction of oil shale use. While these external sources of electricity will be more expensive than internally-produced electricity, they will also provide diversity and security of supply to Estonia. The net effect of these changes on Estonia‘s energy security is impossible to predict.
Ekspordi struktuuri roll eesti tööstusharude konkurentsivõime kujundamisel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2010) Kerner, Riina; Vahter, Priit, juhendaja; Varblane, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa Kolledž
Diffuse support and budget deficit: Evidence from Estonia and Hungary
(Tartu Ülikool, 2010) Leányfalvi, Péter; Trasberg, Viktor, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The current paper investigates why persistent differences exist among countries in their ability to pursue disciplined fiscal policy. It contributes to the literature that emphasizes the importance of multidisciplinary approach in understanding economic phenomena. An existing theory - that focuses primarily on old EU member states – is used as framework. In the first part of the paper the theory’s general applicability to the Central and Eastern European Region is tested. In line with the framework theory’s suggestion, evidence from 10 Central and Eastern European countries shows that in the absence of extreme external factors, that would push governments towards fiscal restraint, the key to persistent fiscal discipline is a favorable institutional setting (adequate fiscal rules). It primarily depends on certain domestic political and social factors whether this institutional setting is created in a country. The framework theory emphasizes the importance of consensus within the elite and diffuse support in the society towards the political system. In the second part the cases of Estonia and Hungary (the two extremes of fiscal performance in the region) are compared and the results support the validity of the above suggestions. Nevertheless the theory has major shortcomings in the operationalization of diffuse support, which is essential for general applicability. Based on the results of the case comparison the current paper suggests that focusing on attitudes regarding the previous political system is a promising direction for further research on the operationalization of diffuse support as far as post-communist transition countries are concerned.
Factors influencing mobility of teachers from Harjumaa and Ida-Virumaa regions in the frame of lifelong learning programme Comenius
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Trocin, Ana; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Trasberg, Karmen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Teacher mobility is a process with old routes in the history, but its importance was emphasized only in the past 25 years, once education sector of member states became an important subject on European agenda. The interest for teacher mobility and as a result the great support provided emerged along with establishment of main priorities of European Union among which raising awareness of member states citizens about EU citizenships became a primary goal. In this order Lifelong Learning Programme Comenius was especially designed for the education area to offer the framework to schools‘ actors for participation in international mobility activities. Theoretical framework regarding mobility ―as a process of change affecting modes of behaviour or trajectories of individuals or social groups‖ was enriched concomitantly. Besides the positive achievements on the path of teacher mobility developments, there were met obstacles and limits discussed in the specialized literature on education and teacher mobility. On the other hand precise estimates on teacher mobility in Estonia comprising researches on affects and teachers‘ approach towards mobility are lacking. This research was carried out to identify the main factors affecting the decision making process of teachers from Estonian schools from Ida-Virumaa and Harjumaa to participate in international mobility activities in the frame of Comenius programme. Furthermore policy recommendations were made based on the findings in the study in order to decrease the negative impact of the identified factors on teachers‘ approach towards international mobility.
Framework build-up of FDI entry mode selection for China’s state-owned enterprise in EU
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Wang, Xi; Varblane, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In the recent years, the world saw a rapid expansion of China’s foreign direct investment (FDI). From the start of the new century, EU as one of the world’s largest economies has enjoyed rocketing growth of FDI inflow from China. As the main force in foreign investment operations, Chinese state-owned enterprises (CSOE) are eager to extend their business to Europe. The issue of investment entry mode selection has been regarded as one of the most important questions that all investors need to answer during decision making process. Study of FDI entry mode selection, therefore, is of great significance for Chinese state enterprise entrepreneurs and investors. With a combination of qualitative method and SWOT analysis, this paper attempts to conduct a systematic study on potential FDI entry mode influencing factors from two perspectives: Chinese state-owned enterprises as ordinary firms and as special government enterprises. It aims at building a macro-level framework of FDI entry mode selection for China’s state-owned enterprises investing in EU and providing theoretical solutions in optimum entry mode selection for their decision makers. Major findings of the paper are as follows: Chinese state-owned enterprises in machinery, textile, light industry and electric appliance sectors should take wholly-owned Greenfield or partly-owned Greenfield investment when entering EU market; Technology, innovation, and brand effect oriented Chinese government enterprises are advised to go under M&A; Chinese state enterprises with the aim of access to foreign natural resource reserves could be most benefited from partly-owned M&A entry mode; Chinese state-owned enterprises with more EU investment experience are in advantageous positions in employing Greenfield; Chinese state-owned enterprises with globalisation development strategies are recommended to employ wholly-owned Greenfield while Chinese state firms with localization strategies would be advised to use partly-owned M&A; Chinese state-owned enterprises with purposes to gain access to Western European high-tech clusters should adopt M&A; other state-owned enterprises with gradual expansion strategy should go Greenfield in EU emerging markets.
Sotsiaalse infrastruktuuri arendamine Eestis Euroopa Liidu toetuste abil : dissertatsioon Euroopa õpingute magistrikraadi taotlemiseks
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2011) Urb, Jaan; Raagmaa, Garri, juhendaja; Laan, Mihkel, juhendaja
“Securing our Survival (SOS)”: non-state actors and the campaign for a Nuclear Weapons Convention through the prism of securitisation theory
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Hessmann Dalaqua, Renata; Chillaud, Matthieu, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Largely ignored throughout the 1990s, nuclear disarmament is again a topic for mainstream debate. Starting from 2007, when influential political figures began to voice arguments in favour of a nuclear-weapon-free world, the anti-nuclear movement has experienced a modest revival. Through the prism of securitisation theory, this dissertation analyses the security practices of the anti-nuclear movement in the post-Cold War period. Exploring Buzan and Wæver’s new conceptual developments on macrosecuritisations, it was possible to interpret the practices involved in the struggle against the Bomb as securitising moves in which the anti-nuclear movement is the leading securitiser. In the capacity of the securitising actor, nuclear abolition activists argued that nuclear disarmament, under a Nuclear Weapons Convention (NWC), would be the only way to protect humankind from the threat posed by the existence of nuclear weapons. In order to gain a deep understanding of this securitisation process, a strong, empirical analysis of these non-state actors and their campaign for a NWC was carried out. Blending the original work of Buzan and Wæver with more recent developments on the securitisation theory, it was possible to elaborate a sophisticated framework to guide the discourse analysis of the campaign for a NWC conducted in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and the institutional bodies of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) review process. The findings confirmed that the anti-nuclear movement follows the particular grammar of security, as it was identified by the Copenhagen School (existential threat, urgency, possible way out). It became clear that the nuclear abolition activists present the logic of zero as driven by a threat, arguing that disarmament under a NWC would put an end to the nuclear menace. Despite uttering security, the anti-nuclear movement has so far failed to achieve the proposed security measure. Nonetheless, securitisation has been instrumental for these non-state actors, as the alarmist tone of the discourse have provided them with a loud voice in international military affairs. Moreover, it is possible to see this securitisation process as a way of raising an issue on the agenda of decision-makers and urging them to take action. In addition to exploring the instrumentality of securitisation, the analysis here presented also aims at understanding major factors that are capable of empowering or disempowering the anti-nuclear macrosecuritising discourse.
Political textbooks in a political world: a case-study of an Estonian history textbook
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Bentley, James Berkeley; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Blobaum, Robert, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In the 1990s, the Estonian state was characterized by a relatively rapidly developing political scene. The developments occurred in such a short time period as to render the national history textbook ineffective and thus ill-suited to its perceived use as a tool of socialization into the state, providing an excellent case-study of the limitations of the relationship between textbook and state. This study analyzes the narrative of an Estonian national history textbook produced in the mid 1990s and uses the product of that narrative analysis to map the shifting political winds as represented in the professional rhetoric of the Estonian head-of-state over the course of that textbook’s conception, production, and use in Estonian public high schools: from 1994 through the 1998 school year. The results of this study are an identification of the driving threads of the Estonian historical narrative presented in the textbook and a view of the changing interpretation and reconstruction of that historical narrative by President Lennart Meri over the course of the time period studied.
Väikeriigi bilateraalse arengukoostöö motiividest julgeolekupoliitilises kontekstis Eesti ja Soome näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Einre, Henrik; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja
This master’s thesis compares some of the main differences which rise from the comparison of security political discourses of Estonia and Finland. Specifically, certain aspects which concern the importance of development policy and cooperation within or connected to the security political discourses of the respective countries are compared. The difference which gave reason to write this thesis is to do with the choice of recipient countries of Estonia and Finland. These two states are in very close proximity to each other and are situated in the same geopolitical region, facing a shared potential source of threat. Despite of that, their choice of bilateral cooperation partners is very different. Finland has already a long tradition of giving foreign aid to certain African, Asian and South-American countries, while Estonia’s development aid is directed to former Eastern bloc countries such as the Ukraine, Georgia and Belarus among others. The significant difference in the list of recipient countries for foreign aid gave reason to investigate the motives behind the decisions to choose these particular countries. The first chapter of this thesis introduces different theoretical approaches which, describe the motives of development cooperation and securitization. Also different theories from the field of international relations are explained in order to strengthen the theoretical base. Among others more attention is paid to neorealist and (social-) constructivist influences. In addition to these also the differences of small and large states, specifically their security political behaviour is highlighted. Some newer and relevant theoretical connections between security and development are introduced in the second half of this chapter in order to emphasise the close connection between these two fields of investigation. One of these connections has been named „security development nexus“(SDN) and has influenced scientific approaches which analyze these two subjects concurrently since the beginning of the 21st century, hence it is a rather new approach. In the second chapter one introduces the methodological tool that is used to analyze the cases of Estonia and Finland. The methodological tool is discourse analysis, namely critical discourse analysis (CDA) with a focus on the formation and construction of official political discourses. Discourse analysis was chosen because it does not merely focus on the construction of texts but it forms a bridge between texts and their social context. CDA was also seen as an appropriate method because one of its purposes is to highlight the connections between language and power or the use of language in power relations. In the end of the theoretical part of this paper, three research questions are constructed. Two of the questions are set to find out country specific models of discursive characteristics for both Estonia and Finland. The third question is more analytical and by comparing the different discursive nuances tries to look behind the reasons why the discourses of Estonia and Finland are relatively different. In the last two empirical chapters of this thesis CDA is applied to the cases of Estonia and Finland to reveal the interdiscursivity or the shared parts of the security and cooperation-political discourses. The texts that are analyzed for these purposes include white papers or official security policy documents; official regulatory documents of development policy and official press releases from foreign and defence ministries over the period of 1998-2011. This period includes several changes in the respective discourses mostly because of global events which have brought along discursive changes. These kinds of events include the aftershocks of 9/11 and the war between Russia and Georgia in 2008; some references are also made to the global economic recession which started in 2008. The analysis and comparison of the official texts reveals that the security political discourses of Estonia and Finland are built on relatively different grounds. The Finnish discourse is based on the self-contained capability of guaranteeing the security of Finland while being a relatively neutral country which is not even a member of NATO and is mostly concerned with regional stability. Estonia, on the contrary, has tried to integrate into almost every European and North-Atlantic security and economic organization with the purpose of finding allies and stronger partners who would help to guarantee its security in case it is needed. A shared theme in the security political discourses of both countries is definitely Russia. Explicitly Russia is usually depicted as a somewhat unstable neighbour whose actions need to be under close attention but it is not described as an immediate source of threat. Implicitly, both Estonia and Finland see Russia as a dangerous source of multiple risks, ranging from political influences to military threats. Estonia’s discourse concerning Russia is more explicit, harsher and more straightforward than that of Finland, where Russia is seen definitely as a source of threats but it is not so clearly expressed. Due to these differences development cooperation also has a different role to play in the cases of Estonia and Finland. The analysis shows that in the Estonian case, development cooperation is subordinated to the security political discourse and is quite directly used as a tool to assure the security of Estonia. The motives behind this kind of construction of the security political discourse include sharing the values with global allies, strengthening weaker allies and parrying potential threats. The proof for this stems from the choice of recipient countries and also specific fields and projects into which the aid is directed, which tend to have quite a close connection with the security of the recipient country. One important pattern that becomes apparent through the comparison of these two countries is the flexibility and reaction speed to international events that could cause shifts in the security discourse. For example Estonia saw cyber and energy risks as potential threats to security already years before Finland, and proof for that can be found in the official documents. In the Finnish case, development cooperation stands apart from the security political discourse and its main motives are aimed at fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and providing an efficient soil for investments in the recipient countries. The choice of recipient countries and specific projects no doubt supports that claim because most of the recipient countries where Finnish aid is directed are situated in Africa and are even geographically too far for Finland to have any security interests in them.
Reform of secondary education in post-communist Estonia: advancing or dismantling social cohesion
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Garcia, Cassandra Jo; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The concept of integration in the most basic of senses refers to intermixing of groups of people that were previously segregated. Estonia, as the focal point of this study as opposed to another post-Soviet nation, is unique in that it is such a small country, and this state possesses a variety of traits that distinguishes it from other states in the process of reform and from other multicultural states. Over 25% of the population of Estonia speaks Russian as their mother tongue, and currently the youth of these Russian-speaking communities are feeling the weight of the integration process. Education reform has been put in place in Russian-language schools so that the students will speak Estonian better and therefore will have more opportunities than previous generations to become well integrated in society. This seems harmless, but a debate has arisen over the period of this reform’s implementation that questions the potential success of this integration. This thesis focuses on the implementation of the Estonian integration program, specifically through the educational reform and whether or not the measures enacted have been successful. By looking at the process of the education reform in two phases, visiting specific Russian-language and Estonian immersion schools, interviewing individuals integral to the process itself and cross-referencing this study with others done on similar topics in the past, the researcher is able to analyze the results of the Estonian integration program as it stands in 2011. Using models of multiculturalism and its critiques, the researcher brings a better understanding of the diversity of the country. One of the largest setbacks for this country and its attempts at reform is the uneven distribution of resources, be they qualified teachers, materials, textbooks, monetary funding or otherwise. With any integration, there are debates, and among the main reasons for success or failure of such integration programs, the researcher outlines that community involvement and a positive environment, as well as realistic expectations are all solid contributors.
Eurozone membership for Central and Eastern Europe an application of the optimum currency area theory
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Mulholland, Seán; Pihor, Katrin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The accession of the former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe to the European Union has placed a legal obligation on them to relinquish their national currencies and adopt the euro. This dissertation applies the theory of optimum currency areas to evaluate the economic rationale of EMU membership for nine CEECs. OCA properties are embedded in a cost-benefit analytical framework and applied to the CEECs in order to comprehensively analyse the economic case for EMU membership. Due to evidence of the limited capacity for alternative adjustment channels to absorb the impact of asymmetric shocks, the cost side of the analysis focuses on the degree of business cycle correlation between the CEECs and the euro area. Applying the Hodrick-Prescott filter to quarterly real GDP data between 1995 and 2010, the tests find that despite considerable progress in convergence, the degree of correlation between the CEECs and the aggregate euro area business cycle is below what is observed among the existing EMU members. This indicates a substantial risk still exists that the ECB‟s monetary policy may be ill-configured to economic conditions in some CEECs. The benefit side of the analysis focuses on the degree of trade integration with the euro area. Hungary and the Czech Republic were found to be best-positioned of the CEECs to benefit from the elimination of transaction costs. The overall findings of the analysis suggest that EMU membership represents no additional cost to Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Bulgaria, and that they should experience a net benefit from participation in the eurozone. By fixing their exchange rates to the euro, these countries have already relinquished monetary policy autonomy as indicated by the Impossible Trinity principle. Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Romania would be well-advised to wait until business cycles achieve closer correlation with the euro area core before proceeding with EMU accession. Three key policy recommendations are made to help minimise the costs of EMU participation. Structural reforms increasing the flexibility of labour markets are necessary to ensure unemployment does not bear the brunt of economic disturbances. Prudent fiscal policy is advised to ensure the sustainability of the public finances and to counteract the risk of economic overheating. Finally, tight financial sector supervision is encouraged to mitigate the risk that an anticipated fall in interest rates leads to asset price bubbles which could threaten the stability of the financial sector and the wider economy.
Valimissüsteemi muudatuste hindamine Eesti parlamendivalimiste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vakmann, Kadri; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja
The aim of this research was to assess seven theoretical changes of Estonian electoral system based on four evaluation criteria: simplicity, extent of the change, proportionality and fragmentation. The seven changes explored were: replacement of modified d’Hondt with regular or the sequence of Sainte-Laguë, applying natural quota or Droop quota and largest remainders method, increasing district magnitude and losing or decreasing national threshold. To give an assessment to these changes of electoral rules, an experiment was carried out with data from the last two elections of Estonian parliament in 2007 and 2011. Effects of the change were considered positive if they made the electoral system simpler, did not assume huge changes in the existing system, gave more proportional results and did not increase fragmentation considerably. Based on the criteria and the data, the best changes were replacing modified d’Hondt with regular one in the compensational tier and decreasing the threshold to 3% or losing it altogether. Both of these changes made the electoral system less complicated, they were not large-scale changes, they brought about a more proportional seat distribution and they did not make the parliament considerably more fragmented than the actual electoral system. It is important to note that the results of this research have their limits. The experiment showed that from the perspective of proportionality and fragmentation, same changes of electoral system may give different results. The effects of the particular system do not depend only on electoral rules, but importantly also on the input – distribution of electorate’s votes among parties. The input of the two elections, whose data was used in the experiment, was quite different. That made possible that the same changes affected proportionality and fragmentation differently in each case. To make comprehensive conclusions, it is essential to increase the number of cases studied and test the results on broader data. Secondly, as more or less every aspect of the party system is affected by the electoral system, it is important to use more criteria than in this work in assessing the effects of changing the electoral system.
Euroopa Liidu ühtse välispoliitika kujunemine konflikti lahendamisel – Liibüa konflikti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Naaber, Meelis; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Lisbon Treaty introduced significant changes to the structure of the Common Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union. The crisis in Libya was the first serious test for the new institutions and members states under the new agreement. The geographical proximity of the conflict and the large influence it had on southern member states demanded action from the EU. The purpose of this thesis was to analyze the possibilities, obstacles and results of the formation of a common foreign policy in the EU in the light of the Europeanization process. In order to achieve these three objectives had to be solved. Firstly, a theoretical approach to the integration of the EU had to be selected as a comparicement for the case study. Secondly, an analysis of the behavior patterns of the actor in the foreign policy sphere was necessary. Lastly, a case study on the Libyan conflict of 2011 was conducted to examine the real life implications of theoretical aspects. Among member states some indications of Europeanization was found, but no progress in comparison with previous actions. France continually tried to upload its policies in order to amplify them. Germany had shown marks of Europeanization in the past but completely discarded them during the Libyan crisis. Great Britain continued its pragmatical relationship with the EU. The results of the study showed a lack of utilization of the mechanisms of Europeanization in the common foreign policy of the EU and the actions of the member states. The institutions of the European Union, with Catherine Ashton as the High Representative of CFSP in initiative, did not fulfill the expectations laid on them. The analysis of her actions and statements showed rather the lack of intensions then possibilities to carry her position into effect. In conclusion, the conducted case study showed rather the ongoing domination of the intergovermentalistic approach to the common foreign policy of the EU then strengthening of the mechanisms of Europeanization.
Mõttekodade India ja Pakistani tuumarelvadealase diskursuse sõltuvus nende ideoloogilisest suunitlusest Heritage Foundationi ja Brookings Institutioni näitel 1994-2003
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Eenlo, Erik; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
The aim of this thesis is to test the preferred ideological positions of think-tanks against empirical material. For this purpose i have chosen the Heritage Foundation and the Brookings Institution as examples of think-tanks. These two think-tanks were chosen due to their mainstream reputation and distinguishable ideological positions as well as the existence of teams of analysts dealing with international relations issues. The time period under research is 1994-2003 which i have divided into three: 1994-1997, 1998-1999, 2000-2003. I have decided to name the years 1998-1999 the period of crisis because in May 1998 India and Pakistan signalled themselves as established nuclear powers by conducting several nuclear tests. Even though the two countries have had crises prior and after 1998, those have largely been regional in their nature. From international and security-related perspectives, the 1998 crisis had a global effect on the perceptions and approaches of the international community and public opinion in general. The empirical material consists of 71 texts of different types. Taking into consideration the aspirations of both think-tanks stated on their websites (www.brookings.edu, www.heritage.org) and given that both think-tanks strive to offer policy advice to the US, i think it is proper to test the ideological compliance of statements written in the texts by their analysts on nuclear India and Pakistan through the usage of the concept of the leading role of the US. Filtering the texts by how the analysts from the two think-tanks see the role of the United States in dealing with the threat posed by nuclear armed India and Pakistan and highlighting what they advocate will help me ascertain whether in fact the think-tanks comply with what they preach. To summarize, the positions advocated by the Heritage Foundation are as follows: - The importance of maintaining US superiority on both the conventional and the nuclear front - The preservation of US sovereignty and freedom of action in foreign policy - Continuation of the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons - Enforcement of US power and influence on occasions of nuclear crises The positions advocated by the Brookings Institution are as follows: - The leading role of the US should find expression in its commitment to assist others in resolving common security problems and in adapting to changed power relations - The US needs to make an effort to take the seemingly uncontrollable process of nuclear proliferation under its control and ensure that existing nuclear weapons states become responsible - The US must back up the NNPT regime with all of its authority but at the same time understand that due to the hypocritical nature of the NNPT treaty certain exemptions regarding other states are sensible - US policy on nuclear armed states must be based on a case-specific and realistic approach - Stable international relations are important for the US; hence the country should take upon itself the leading role in solving security problems in order to deprive others of motives for the acquisition of nuclear weapons In the process of comparing the texts to the preferred ideological positions of the two think-tanks an index will be used for estimation. For both think-tanks the same 5 point scale of 0-4 will be used. In the case of the Heritage Foundation, values 3-4 will show compliance with ideological positions, 0-1 will show non-compliance and 2 dearth of information. In the case of the Brookings Institution, values 0-1 will show compliance with ideological positions, 3-4 non-compliance and 2 dearth of information. In the process of comparing texts against ideal ideological positions of the two think-tanks, three hypotheses have been formulated for testing: 1) The preferred ideological positions of the two think-tanks should be reflected in the texts written by their analysts on nuclear armed India and Pakistan from the perspective of the leading role of the US 2) The texts written on Pakistan by analysts from the Heritage Foundation are more in line with its ideological positions than those written on India; No such difference should exist regarding the texts written by analysts from the Brookings Institution 3) The texts written on both countries during the crisis period of 1998-1999 should be more in line with ideological positions than the texts written during the subsequent 2000-2003 period In general, if the texts contained sufficient information on the leading role of the United States on the nuclear weapons that India and Pakistan possess, the texts were mostly in compliance with the ideological positions of the two think-tanks. However, in the case of Brookings Institution, a considerable portion of the texts (50% for Pakistan and 59% for India did not contain sufficient amount of information on this issue). The implications for the Brookings Institution behind these numbers could be that the leading role of the US is not something their analysts are convinced in promoting. Secondly, we cannot speak of any ideological control or constraining framework from the part of the think-tank on its analysts. The figures do not confirm the second hypothesis. In general, however, the discourse of both the Heritage Foundation and the Brookings Institution over India is different from their discourse on Pakistan. The attitude of the Heritage Foundation analysts was harsher on Pakistan whereas representatives of the Brookings Institution remained more even-handed and objective while outlining some reasons for different approaches towards two different countries with a similar problem – nuclear weapons. Unfortunately too few texts were written during the pre-crisis period on Pakistan’s and India’s nuclear capabilities to conclude anything about that particular period. Hypothesis 3 was overwhelmingly supported by empirical material. The discourse on both Pakistan and India is moving away from the ideological positions of the Heritage Foundation during the 2000-2003 period while being firmly in line with those positions during the crisis period. In the case of the Brookings Institution, the statements in the texts do not move away from its ideological positions during the 2000-2003 period, rather there is a significant amount of texts that simply do not contain enough material for making an estimation on the leading role of the US on nuclear armed India and Pakistan. I conclude that sticking to its ideological positions during a crisis period might be a good thing to do but in the long run the dogmatic ideological positions of the Heritage Foundation might constitute a hindrance to achieving the goals this think-tank holds dear. That is in my opinion the reason behind the ideological confusion that is reflected from the texts by analysts of the Heritage Foundation during the period 2000-2003. The texts written by the analysts of the Brookings Institution, on the other hand, reveal the fact that if they decide to write about nuclear armed India and Pakistan and give advice to the US, they generally do so in accordance with their ideological principles. However, there are cases when writing about India and Pakistan on nuclear issues, the leading role of the US is not highlighted. The reason behind this is their ambivalent attitude towards nuclear states and the leading role of the US in general. The representatives of the Brookings Institution do not see that the United States has the moral high ground or the leverage to prevent the emergence of new nuclear powers. Therefore, they do not highlight what for them seems a US leading role lacking right and influence. In conclusion, in times of a nuclear crisis similar to the one that shook the world in May 1998, we can expect the same pattern of behaviour from the Brookings Institution and the Heritage Foundation.

Sirvi

Sirvi Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut Kuupäev järgi