UPTAKE 2018-2019 aasta publikatsioonid

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/63086

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Dealing with the Past: Transitional Justice and De-communization
(Routledge, 2017) Pettai, Eva-Clarita; Pettai, Vello
This chapter reviews the literature around the study of post-communist transitional justice. It begins by comparing how different scholars have conceptualized transitional justice, particularly the range of empirical phenomena that authors have decided to encompass when they have dealt with truth and justice issues. Secondly, the chapter shows how, depending on an author’s empirical delineation of the phenomenon, the independent variables chosen across time or across countries have also varied. Thirdly, the chapter turns the methodological equation around and examines those (albeit far fewer) scholars who have examined transitional justice as a causal phenomenon and sought to answer what transitional justice actually brings to society. Lastly, the overview presents a set of sub-themes in the field of post-communist transitional justice, namely the comparative study of institutions devoted to TJ, the growing importance of international influences on TJ, and the place of specifically post-conflict TJ in the context of former Yugoslavia.
Balancing between consolidation and cartel. The effects of party law in Estonia.
(Routledge, 2017) Pettai, Vello
Over the last decade the institutionalist study of political parties has taken a new turn. The turn has been toward the in-depth study of party law and party regulation. Such institutions ostensibly operate as uniform determinants of behavior, regardless of population size. Hence, the case of Estonia, while being small in size and population, is interesting because it has been one of the more successful post-communist party systems to consolidate over the last 20 years. The argument in this chapter is therefore that this outcome has been a combination of increasing regulation in five particular domains: constitutional provisions, electoral rules, party registration requirements, parliamentary rules, and party finance. These are profiled as they appear across a chronological overview of changes in party law and party regulation over the last 20 years.
Entertain and Govern. From Sochi 2014 to FIFA 2018.
(Routledge, 2018) Yatsyk, Alexandra; Makarychev, Andrey
The article looks at Russia’s international sports politics from two different perspectives. The authors discuss sport mega-events as instruments of legitimizing the existing regime and stabilizing its foundations. They argue that, due to mega-events, the Russian state has found itself under persistent external pressures from international organizations, and has had to react to them and adjust its legal norms and policy practices accordingly. The key argument of the article is that both elements of the puzzle can be approached as central elements of governmentality
De Gaulle y Europa. Nacionalismo frente a integración en la construcción Europea
(Revista de Occidente, 2018) Ramiro Troitino, David; Polese, A.; Braghiroli, S.
The article discusses the role of De Gaulle in the first years of European integration and his peculiar vision when it comes to the process of unification and the role of the nation states. The idea of nationalism and patriotism is deeply connected to the thought of the French statesman and it has deeply influenced French perspective on Europe, both in the past and today. The article looks at De Gaulle's background and socialization as well as its relationship with other stakeholders that have shaped the European institutions. In particular, the Fuchet plan, the "empty chair crisis", the relationship with the UK, and the Common Agriculture Policy are discussed.
The Biopolitics of International Exchange: International Educational Exchange Programs – Facilitator or Victim in the Battle for Biopolitical Normativity?
(Russian Politics, 2018) Erbsen, Heidi
This article addresses how international educational exchange programs are increasingly used as political, and particularly bio-political, tools to promote ideologies of biological normativity. Such programs have historically been promoted by national and international institutions as means to increase participants (and therefore the sending institution’s) knowledge of the world and transfer favorable values through individuals. US and EU exchange programs with Russia in particular have been focused on achieving a ‘mutual understanding’ or promoting ‘common’ or ‘shared values’ across countries; however, a tendency of educational institutions to select like-minded individuals and countries for participation has arguably complicated rather than mended global divides. The difference in values associated with biological practices in Russia, the US, and the EU related to traditional gender roles, marriage, nuclear families, birth control, etc. have become more apparent with the spread of information and globalization.The main argument of this work supports that attention to the promotion or cancelation of certain exchange programs can be used to better understand larger patterns in international relations and the modern system of global governance. An investigation into the founding ideologies behind programs such as FLEX and Fulbright (by the US) and Erasmus + (by the European Commission) and their politicization exemplifies how educational programs can become ‘battlefields’ for ideologies of biological normativity. The example of the cancelation of the FLEX program by the Russian Federation is used to understand key relationships between biopolitics and geopolitics, modern and post-modern, and value transfer and human capital.
Europe in Crisis: “Old,” “New,” or Incomplete?
(PONARS Eurasia, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Kazharski, Aliaksei
The memo discusses the current crisis in the EU institutions from the viewpoint of the ideas of "old" and "new" Europe
Scrutinizing a Policy of “Engagement Without Recognition”: US Requests for Diplomatic Actions With De Facto States
(2018) Berg, Eiki; Pegg, Scott
De facto states are conventionally perceived as illegal entities, usually ignored by the rest of the world and therefore also isolated and severely sanctioned in most cases. We investigate US foreign-policy engagement with Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Northern Cyprus, Somaliland, and Transnistria and explore when, why, and how interactions between the United States and “places that do not exist” has taken place. This is done by extensively using WikiLeaks diplomatic cables from 2003– to 2010 as a primary information source. We assume that by engaging and not recognizing, the US has sought to increase its leverage and footprint in conflicts that somehow affect its national interests. This engagement approach is presumably most successful when targeted adversaries turn out to be agents of peace and stability, or when strategic calculus outweighs the rationale for the conventional treatment of sovereign anomalies.
Introduction
(Routledge, Taylor&Francis, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Hoffmann, Thomas
The end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the socialist system and the Soviet Union, the fall of the Berlin wall and the reunification of Germany engendered a series of innovative concepts reflecting the dominant state of minds among policy experts and practitioners at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. These included the de Gaulle-inspired idea of a “common European home” promoted by Mikhail Gorbachev, the expectations of the “end of history” articulated by Francis Fukuyama, and a number of post-modernist anticipations, from de-bordering to creating “security communities”, at least at a regional level, if not in the “wider Europe” from Lisbon to Vladivostok.
Sovereignty and Russian national identity-making: The biopolitical dimension
(Edinburgh University Press, 2018) Yatsyk, Alexandra; Makarychev, Andrey
The chapter discuss issues of Russian sovereignty and identity from a biopolitical perspective
Normative and Civilisational Regionalisms: The EU, Russia and their Common Neighbourhoods
(The International Spectator, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey
The contours of regionalism in a wider Europe are shaped by two dominant actors, the European Union (EU) and Russia, which often have divergent visions of the regional landscapes in a vast area constituting their common neighbourhood. The EU can be characterised as the promoter of normative regionalism, while Russia generates different forms of civilisational regionalism. Russia’s emphasis on the civilisational underpinnings of its regional integration model paves the way for two different strategies: one based on liberal imitation and replication of EU experiences in order to strengthen Russia’s position in the global neoliberal economy, and another grounded in illiberal contestation of the normative premises of the EU with the purpose of devising an ideologised alternative to the liberal West.
Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity Games and Policy Tools in Eastern Partnership Countries
(2018) Makarychev, Andrey
The paper addresses the issues of EU's hegemony in its neighborhood and compares it with Russia's hegemonic roles
A Tale of Two Orthodoxies: Europe in Religious Discourses of Russia and Georgia
(Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Kakabadze, Shota
The article seeks to analyze discourses of two Orthodox Churches—Georgian (GOC) and Russian (ROC)—from the vantage point of their various interconnections with Europe and the ensuing representations of Europe framed in religious terms. Of particular salience are relations between ROC and GOC, on the one hand, and the Roman Catholic Church, on the other, as well as the positioning of both ROC and GOC within the global community of Orthodox Churches. The analyzed political circumstances force religious hierarchs of both institutions, even if they share the similar ambivalence toward the West, to differently reproduce the image of Europe. The broader geopolitical picture puts the GOC in the position of supporting government’s foreign policy agenda which goes in opposition to the Kremlin, in spite of the fact that the former has a lot of common with the Moscow Patriarchate when it comes to criticism toward the Western liberal value systems.
Boris Nemtsov and Russian Politics: Power and Resistance
(Stuttgart: ibidem Verlag, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, Aleksandra
An edited volume in commemoration of Boris Nemtsov's contribution to Russian politics
Unpacking the Post-Soviet: Political Legacy of the Tartu Semiotic School
(All Azimuth, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, Alexandra
This article sketches out general approach to using cultural semiotics as a cognitive tool for analyzing international relations in general and in post-Soviet area in particular. The authors discuss how the homegrown school of cultural semiotics associated with the University of Tartu can be helpful for IR studies. In this respect we place cultural semiotic knowledge in a multidisciplinary perspective and look for projections of its concepts into the vocabulary of foreign policy. Then we intend to discuss the Tartu school from a political perspective, thus claiming that its premium put on cultural issues renders strong politicizing effects. Ultimately, we use cultural semiotic notions and approaches for problematizing the concept of the post-Soviet with its conflictual split between reproducing archaic policies and discourses, on the one hand, and playing by the rules of the post-modern society, with entertainment, hybridity and the spirit of deconstruction as its pivots.
Russia as a counter-normative soft power: between ideology and policy
(London and New York : Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, Alexandra
The chapter discusses the concept of soft power as a counter-normative tool in Russian foreign policy
Introduction: A Conceptual Framework for Engagement with de facto States
(Routledge, 2018) Ker-Lindsay, James; Berg, Eiki
Secessionist de facto states, by their very nature, sit outside of the international system. Having unilaterally declared independence from their parent state, they are invariably prevented from joining the United Nations, and thus taking their place as members of the community of universally recognised countries. While the reasons for such punitive approaches have a logic according to prevailing political and legal approaches to secession, it is also recognised that isolation can have harmful effects. Ostracising de facto can not only hinder efforts to resolve the dispute by reducing their willingness to engage in what they see as an asymmetrical settlement process, it can also force them into a closer relationship with a patron state. For this reason, there has been growing interest in academic and policy circles around the concept of engagement without recognition. This is a mechanism that provides for varying degrees of interaction with de facto states while maintaining the position that they are not regarded as independent sovereign actors in the international system. As is shown, while the concept has its flaws, it nevertheless opens up new opportunities for conflict management.
Identity and Hegemony in EU-Russia relations: Making Sense of the Asymmetrical Entanglement
(London, New York: Routledge, 2018) Morozov, Viatcheslav
The study of EU–Russia relations has been a fruitful testing ground for constructivist research. This chapter attempts to take stock of the existing constructivist work on EU–Russia relations and to suggest some avenues for further development. It focuses on the structuralist approach by interpreting the identities of the actors as deriving from their relationship. The aim is to highlight the findings that are most relevant for the problematic of othering, hegemony and inequality.
Bordering and Identity-Making in Europe After the 2015 Refugee Crisis
(Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey
Introduction to the spacial issue that presents and analyzes the state of debate on EU's immigration policies from a geopolitical perspective
In Between War and Peace: The Conceptualisation of Russian Strategic Deterrence
(Tartu : Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2018) Lucassen, Okke Geurt
The Russian Federation has expanded its foreign policy instruments in recent years to include a broader range of tools, both military and non-military for times of peace and war. The implications of this pivot in Russian foreign policy is often referred to in terms such as Hybrid Warfare, Cross-Domain Coercion, New Generation War, or the Gerasimov doctrine. Examples of this turn include the annexation of Crimea, the use of paramilitary groups (such as the Wagner Group), and foreign election tampering. The present paper contributes to the growing literature on contemporary Russian foreign policy by dissecting what the Russian Federation has named ‘Strategic Deterrence’ (сдерживание стратегическое) as a part of its foreign policy strategy. Whilst established theories of foreign policy strategies such as Hybrid Warfare have been adapted to better fit the contemporary Russian model, the notion of Russian Strategic Deterrence is best understood through its conceptualisation as a uniquely Russian take on contemporary foreign policy. This paper provides an analysis on how Russian perceptions of Western expansionism have influenced the Russian conceptualisation of Strategic Deterrence, and how the Russian concept of Strategic Deterrence is distinct from seemingly similar and commonly interchanged concepts such as Hybrid Warfare.
How to study and teach anew EU– Russia relations: a methodological conclusion in seven points
(Routledge, 2018) Braghiroli, Stefano; Hoffmann, Thomas; Makarychev, Andrey; Hoffmann, Thomas, toimetaja; Makarychev, Andrey, toimetaja

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