Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut

Selle valdkonna püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/14984

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Eesti Iseseisvuspartei ideoloogia ja selle muutumine aastast 1994 kuni 2012
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Lindepuu, Henri; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Euroopa Liidu ja Aafrika liidu sõjaliste välismissioonide võrdlus: EUROR Chad/RCA ja AMISOM aastatel 2007-2009
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Mere, Maarja; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Hiina inimõiguste diskursuse põhijooned aastatel 1991-2012
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Laasmägi, Hando; Pappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Lähimushääletamine ja seda mõjutavad tegurid – seletav analüüs 2009. aasta Euroopa Parlamendi valimiste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Kütt, Karmeli; Vassil, Kristjan, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Käesolevas magistritöös võetakse uurimuse teoreetiliseks aluseks lähimushääletamise teooria, mis on empiiriliselt mõjuvõimas ning tõestatult oluline ja toimiv kontseptsioon valimiskäitumise uurimises (Singh, Roy 2014: 89). Lähimushääletamise mudeli üheks eelduseks on valija informeeritus poliitilise ja majandusliku keskkonna aspektidest ehk kontseptsiooni võib vaadata kui informatsiooni osas nõudlikku. Sel põhjusel võib eeldada, et mida informeeritum ja mida võimelisem valija uut informatsiooni omandama on, seda tõenäolisemalt hääletab ta lähimushääletamise mudelile kohaselt. Töö on edasiarendus 2013. aastal autori poolt kaitstud bakalaureusetööst (Kütt 2013), mille uurimisküsimus oli, kui suur hulk valijatest hääletab Euroopa Parlamendi valimistel ratsionaalselt. Uuringu tulemustest selgus, et lähimushääletamise mudel on arvestatava seletusjõuga, umbes pooled valijatest hääletasid mudeli kohaselt ratsionaalselt. Magistritöös võetakse sisend sõltumatuks muutujaks bakalaureusetööst ning otsitakse vastust küsimusele, millised individuaaltasandi sotsiaal-demograafilised, hoiakulised ja käitumuslikud tegurid seletavad lähimushääletamist. Magistritöö analüüsi aluseks on Euroopa Parlamendi valimiste uuringu (2009) individuaaltasandi küsitlusandmed ning meetodina kasutatakse multivariatiivset logistilist regressiooni. Empiirilisest analüüsist selgus, et mudeli testimisel statistiliselt olulisi tulemusi välja tuua ei saa olgugi, et teoreetiliselt võib oodata sotsiaal-demograafiliste, hoiakuliste ja käitumuslike tegurite poolset mõju lähimushääletamisele. Lähimushääletamise kõige olulisem ennustaja on see, kui suurt lähedust indiviid kindla erakonnaga tunneb. Vähesemal määral mõjutab lähimushääletamist ka valija sugu ja huvi poliitika vastu. Loodud mudeli peamiseks probleemiks osutus statistilise jõu puudujääk – pärast kodeerimist jäi valimisse puuduolevate andmete tagajärjel järele vaid umbes kolmandik respondente.
Parteidevahelise koostöö mõju Ungari valimistulemustele 1998-2010
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Ilves, Kaidi; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Russian soft power cultivation in the United States of America: a media content analysis of Russia beyond the headlines
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Evans, David; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Blobaum, Robert, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The relationship between Russia and the United States of America has been a dominant feature of the international relations landscape for much of the last century. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, this relationship has been significantly altered. Over the last decade, a resurgent Russia has begun to exert its influence on the global stage once again. This effort has been characterized by a mixture of traditional “hard power” and a relatively new form of “soft power.” The government of the Russian Federation has developed a broad strategy for engaging the rest of the world with the intention of improving the image of Russia. One component of this effort began in 2007 when the Russian-government-owned Rossiyskaya Gazeta newspaper began to publish a supplemental news section in the Washington Post and the Daily Telegraph. This supplemental news section is now known as Russia Beyond the Headlines, and it is published in 26 countries and 16 languages. The purpose of this publication is to engage an elite section of foreign audiences around the world, and hopefully influence their mindset as it relates to Russia. This thesis provides a historical background of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation’s efforts at cultivating soft power in general, as well as an in-depth study of the content of Russia Beyond the Headlines during 2014 in the three domestic US newspapers (the Washington Post, the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal). This study ultimately concludes that the content of Russia Beyond the Headlines within the US market is adequately able to achieve its goals through a variety of strategies, and that further research is needed to understand the larger impact of the Russian Federation’s exercise of soft power in both the United States of America and around the world.
Securitisation’s effects on military planning: the case of the Chechen wars
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Kentros Klyszcz, Ivan Ulises; Anceschi, Luca, juhendaja; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This dissertation is a case study of Russia’s securitisation of Chechnya, undertaken for identifying the effects of it on military planning. In particular, it aims to determine if securitising narratives in the military are a factor in the choices made by military commanders in the design of operations to be executed. The case of Chechnya is chosen because of the wealth of secondary literature that has been produced various decades after the wars ended, and also to build upon Julie Wilhelmsen’s inquiry (2017) on the same topic (Russia’s securitisation of Chechnya). The theoretical basis for this work is securitisation theory, particularly the Copenhagen school. This strand of international relations theory has its interest in speech, discourse and how they result in a country’s society threat-perception. Hence it enables a theory-first, qualitative inquiry that stands at the intersection of Security Studies, Strategic Studies and international relations theory. The narrow focus on Chechnya and the methods chosen make this an inquiry with an Area Studies component. Drawing from Wilhelmsen’s previous work on the topic, my interests are narrower. Even though our inquiries aim at seeing what securitisation does, mine does not look at how war becomes legitimate or tolerable, but at how securitisation affects decision-making among the military. Also, while her case study is the second Chechen war, mine addresses both the first and the second Chechen wars. I believe that the comparison helps to generalise the results of the inquiry. Furthermore, while we both share the methodology of discourse analysis, I bring content analysis to offer further evidence on the changes in narratives. Finally, her attention is on discourse in society as a whole, while mine is exclusively on how discourse evolved among the Russian military. Hence various aspects overlap, but overall both my theory-building aims and my empirical work are different. In theory building, my aim is to suggest a possible line of inquiry which regards a connection between society’s discourse about a conflict and the choices made by military commanders once said conflict results in war. As it can be said that many ’external’ conditions have an effect on military planning (ideology, historical legacies, among other tangible and intangible circumstances), my aim is not to suggest which has the highest weight; my aim is to suggest that the hegemonic narrative on the conflict among the military is a factor that must be taken into consideration when analysing its decision-making processes. Moreover, I suggest that this factor may be traceable from the strategic level of decision-making, to the mission design down to the chosen tactics for the operation. In its empirical component, my inquiry thoroughly analyses the different narratives present in the military’s main newspaper, the Krasnaya Zvezda, thus bringing evidence of how this segment of society articulated its views on Chechnya and those who would become their opponents in combat. The sample was gathered from the newspaper’s archive for the years 1993, 1994, and 1998, 1999, precisely one year each before each conflict began. Discourse analysis and deductive coding for identity representations (Self, Other, measures) was made to identify the characteristics of each narrative. For identifying which narrative became determinant in the military’s planning, hegemonic, content analysis was used on the sample, looking for keywords associated to each narrative. Finally, secondary literature on the wars in Chechnya was consulted to assess what assumptions the Russian military had before each war. I argue that the results of these methods under the securitisation framework suggest that discourse exerts a short-term influence over military planning by informing the assumptions held by the military commanders.

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Sirvi Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut Märksõna "2000-ndad" järgi