Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses

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The adaptation of discourses on nuclear energy in times of crisis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Pritchard, Thomas Luke; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The following research seeks to answer the question, how did the discourse surrounding nuclear energy adapt to account for the multiple crises present in 2022? To gain an answer to this question, a comparative study of the US and the UK is conducted, and their discourses over the course of January to October 2022 are analysed. This is done via a study of five mainstream media outlets within each state, using a critical discourse analysis (CDA) theory and methodology. Additionally, a conceptualisation of a crisis as an event which generates a dislocation in the hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, that was previously dominant, is utilised. In a situation where multiple crises are present the different articulations have one crisis placed at the centre as the primary source of dislocation, and thus, as the crisis which a hegemonic articulation should address. In both the US and the UK, prior to the presence of multiple crises in 2022, there was a hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, which passively supported it, but did not invest much into it and was allowing it to slowly decline. Through implementing a two-level CDA approach to the discourse in both states, first at the level of the text and then at the level of the ideologies these texts are part of, the new articulations can be accounted for. Over the course of 2022 it can be seen that in the US three new articulations emerge, two of these centre the climate crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’. The other centres the security crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for Security’. In the UK four distinct articulations emerge, with two that centre the economic crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Economy’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Economy’. The other two centre the climate crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’. Finally, following the CDA framework, the second level of analysis is utilised to highlight the broad ideologies each articulation is factored into, which construct a reality that conveys the articulation as the most suited to take on the role of hegemonic articulation.
Alliance durability and intra-alliance security dilemma: a case study of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the light of rising China
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Pachomcik, Oksana; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In recent years, the East-Asian security order has been witnessing a number of disturbances stemming from increased assertiveness of regional security actors, such as North Korea and, to a lesser extent, China. More specifically, the escalation of tensions between China and Japan over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has called into question the very viability of the U.S. “hub and spoke” alliance system in the region, with the 60 year old U.S.-Japan alliance at its core. As a relic of bipolar Cold War great power competition, today the alliance faces increasingly complex and uncertain security environment, which effectively challenges the very foundations of the widely celebrated trustworthiness and durability of the security ties between the two nations. Against this background, the thesis conducts a thorough examination of a salient episode, which has occurred and subsequently disturbed the established modes of operation within the U.S.-Japan alliance. In particular, the overarching aim of the study is: a) to uncover and assess the effect exerted by the intensification of an external threat (China) on the severity of intra-alliance security dilemma, with an eroding balance in entrapment-abandonment fears among the allies; b) how this phenomenon have manifested itself throughout the course of the Senkaku contingency; and c) what the identified anxiety-driven processes hold for the enduring quality of the U.S.-Japanese security cooperation. Grounded in theoretical expectations largely derived from the realist school of thought, the paper concludes that, chiefly consistent with realist thinking, the Senkaku crisis and the respective behaviour of allies does point to: 1) the upsurge of intra-alliance security dilemma; 2) the importance of fluctuations in triangular Sino-American-Japanese relationship for the magnitude of abandonment anxiety experienced by the weakest pole in the triangle (Japan); 3) the mitigating role of institutionalization on alliance ties plagued by twin abandonment-entrapment anxieties. Yet, the paper also discovers, contrary to Morrow’s (1991) expectations, the preservation of asymmetrical nature of the alliance, as reflected in high degrees of weaker ally’s direct dependence, in all likelihood, would be detrimental to alliance durability, due to the importance attached to acquired reputations for reliability in the minds of state leaders. Hence, it becomes evident that phenomena such as sustained alliance durability and intensity of intra-alliance security dilemma cannot be fully captured by one all-encompassing realist approach; instead, any future inquiries into the topic of alliance durability would significantly benefit from a harmonious merging of insights from different schools of thought.
Anti-intellectual political rhetoric: a grounded theory on twitter echo chambers
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Meyer, Stefan L.; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
BACKGROUND: Separating the pursuit of knowledge and scientific endeavors from politics is impossible. Through the advancement of technology, especially social media, it has become easier for politicians to dismiss science and intellectuals through anti-intellectual rhetoric at an unprecedented rate. Critical thinking in analyzing policies is discouraged and dismissed in favor of uncritical common sense. OBJECTIVE: This thesis sets out to explore how political anti-intellectual rhetoric is spread by politicians in the US and UK through social media, specifically Twitter. METHODOLOGY: This study applies a Mixed Methods-Grounded Theory approach to develop an emergent theory on anti-intellectualism in political tweets grounded in data. The data analyzed was taken from ten members of parliament in the United Kingdom and 11 politicians in the United States. A total of approx. 50,000 tweets were included in the raw dataset. The data was analyzed and sorted using CAQDAS as well as manual coding methods. FINDINGS: Through empirical analysis of the data the study found that politicians who tweet anti-intellectual tweets will disengage from the Twitter conversation afterward. However, Twitter’s method of displaying Twitter replies increases the probability of supporters seeing the message and multiplying it through an echo chamber. JUSTIFICATION FOR THEORY: The theory is grounded in the data presented in this thesis. Data was collected until further analysis resulted in theoretical saturation and failing to reject the emergent theory. IMPLICATIONS: As the politician has disengaged from the conversation, he or she can reject responsibility for the conversations that follow their tweet. In this manner a tweet that makes an uncritical claim can be morphed into a fully anti-science narrative through the echo chamber without the politician’s further involvement.
Assessing interest groups’ influence on EU climate policy: the case of the 2030 climate target policy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Delgado Ugrin, Jaime Fernando; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The presence of interest groups (IGs) lobbying EU institutions has grown significantly in recent years. This surge is related to the increasing competences that the EU has been granted in several policy areas. From the consolidation of the single market to the coordination of social, environmental, or health policies, the diversity of interests represented in the EU policy-making process has blossomed. In the middle of this phenomenon, the threat triggered by climate change has made the EU climate policy more relevant than ever. The presentation of the European Green Deal (EGD) in 2019 marks a milestone in the commitment of the EU with addressing this threat while pursuing climate neutrality by 2050. One of the policies that compound the EGD is the 2030 Climate Target Plan (2030 CTP). Its main objective is to reduce GHG emissions by 55% by 2030, in relation to 1990’s levels. The plan demands a stronger pledge of EU companies and citizens with climate-related measures in order to achieve the expected goal. Consequently, this policy has got the attention of different actors aiming to influence its final design. Among them, business and environmental IGs are the most salient as they represent private and public interests in the policy debate. Accordingly, this thesis aims to assess whether business or environmental IGs were more influential in the 2030 CTP’s policy communication issued by the Commission. Relying on content analysis as a research technique, the IGs’ position papers are compared with the policy communication to find similarities in their texts. To illuminate the performance of these actors is crucial since the importance of the EU climate policies is set to endure.
Authoritarian learning and diffusion: protests in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan in 2022
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Aisarina, Zhibek; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In this thesis I study the authoritarian learning and authoritarian diffusion processes that served as a basis for some of the repressive measures taken by Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan in response to mass protests in 2022. The thesis attempts to address the question as to ‘whether different types of authoritarian regimes are more amenable to learning or learn in different ways’ (Hall and Ambrosio 2017,154). It focuses on authoritarian regimes specifically in Central Asia. This study uses process tracing and content analysis in order to analyze the diffusion and learning mechanisms during and in the aftermath of the mass protests. I formulate 2 mechanisms for learning and diffusion that are not mutually exclusive and usually go in parallel in the Central Asian context. I analyze newspaper articles from news media outlets such as Radio Liberty Kazakh and Uzbek Services, Eurasianet, and Gazeta.uz. In addition, I analyze citizen journalism source, Youtube channel БАСЕ to make the process tracing more accurate. My findings are 1. Authoritarian learning and diffusion processes go in parallel, mostly diffusion framing authoritarian learning processes in Central Asia. 2. Kazakh and Uzbek regimes engage in authoritarian diffusion by initially framing mass protests as of socio-economic nature and instantly switching to framing them as a disorder organized by terrorists. 3. Diffusion process within the regional security organization (CSTO) context is more nuanced and needs to fit into the objective of fighting three evils: extremism, separatism, and terrorism. 4. Kazakh and Uzbek regimes engage in authoritarian learning when they base their calculations on when to switch to a terrorist threat narrative on the previous learning success or failure cases. 5. Kazakh and Uzbek regimes engage in learning from each other and domestic learning.
Baltic States identity through banal nationalism: postage stamp iconography analysis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Gomankov, Gleb; Gibson, Catherine, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This paper researches the reflection of nation-based discourses and national symbolism in the postage iconography of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania from the perspective of banal nationalism practices. There are two main research questions this paper seeks to answer. The first one is: What are the main postage stamp iconography themes used to construct and popularize the national discourses of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania? For that, a database consisting of 3069 stamps issued by Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania between 1918-1940 and 1991-2018 was analyzed, applying Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis to postage imagery and the official catalog inscription. The dominant patterns revealed common practices of banal nationalism in the selected states. The results revealed that national coats of arms remained a continuous trend in national symbolism manifestation in all states, also covering the subnational level of municipalities and cities. In addition, authoritarian regimes affected the iconography patterns, elevating the leader's role in collective memory. In contemporary practices, discourses became more inclusive at the subnational level by introducing new patterns of commemoration of people, heritage, and anniversaries. The second question is: how political developments within the state and participation in supranational organizations affected the postage stamps iconography of the Baltics States concerning national, regional, and European scales? The finding shows that authoritarian regimes emphasized the role of the leader and boasted the nation's pride via celebrations of independence accompanied by constant reminders of the collective trauma the Independence wars left. The new developments emphasized the inclusion of subnational symbolism in postage iconography alongside the promotion of European integrity and shared regional heritage.
"Be ready to defend to the best of your ability." Motivations of women to join civil defence: the case of Estonia and the Naiskodukaitse (Women’s Voluntary Defence Organization)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Clemente, Cristina; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Critical scenarios have determined a rekindled interest in civil defence in recent years. In particular, Estonia has registered an exponential increase among women interested in becoming members of Naiskodukaitse, a women's voluntary defence organization. Against this background, this study suggests a different approach that goes beyond the mere historical perspective of the phenomenon. The aim is to investigate motivations that influence women nowadays to consider becoming members of these types of organizations. In order to find the appropriate approach, I adopted a sociological approach to study the phenomenon and formulate adequate policies to implement women's role in the defence sector or address further issues. Women are interested in contributing to their country's national security, but not by undertaking a military career, but rather by searching for different opportunities, more focused on the immediate outcome that their commitment to the organization can generate. The aim of this study is to investigate at what motivates women to join volunteer defense organizations. The research is based on the Estonian Naiskodukaitse, a volunteer defense group. The research design is a single case study, and data is gathered through interviews and an open-ended questionnaire. A qualitative approach is used to analyze the data. The explorative nature of the study corresponds to the qualitative approach that the researcher intends to employ. The study defines volunteer female defense groups, the responsibilities and services they perform, and how they vary from military forces. Furthermore, the study addresses how women are positioned in security studies, providing an overview of their transition from passive security consumers to active security consumers.
Beyond neutrality: the role of identity in Irish defence and security policy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Deasy, Cian; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Yüksel, Izzet Yalin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
What lies behind Ireland’s anomalous approach to its defence and security policy? Why does a state which is otherwise politically aligned and integrated with its regional neighbours behave so differently, investing and cooperating to such limited extents, where defence and security are concerned? This is a question which has not garnered significant academic attention, and one the body of scholarship produced to date has struggled to answer. This study departs from the approach of previous scholarship in examining Irish behaviour through the lens of ontological security. By analysing elite Irish discourse on defence and security between 2014 and 2023, it illustrates the link between Irish identity constructions and policymaking in the defence and security sphere, highlighting the discursive ‘field of action’ generated for elite decision-makers by Ireland’s sense of self as an actor in the international community. It alleges that this sense of self perceives Ireland as a peace promoter and moral authority, one which is not entirely included in the Western European security space, and that such an identity precludes Ireland from shaping its policy in a manner similar to that of other Western European states. Prior to 2022, Irish ontological security was preserved through the maintenance of low military capability and limited international cooperation: from 2022, amid Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Irish ‘field of action’ is found to have partially expanded to incorporate greater scope for investment and cooperation, but with the underlying identity tenets remaining the same.
Can you hear the ngochani? An exploration of how queer activists in Southern Africa reflect on their subalternity
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Kolovos, Athanasios William; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research focuses on how queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe reflect on their subalternity in a postcolonial context. More specifically, it aims to explore whether queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe consider themselves subaltern in the relationship with their own governments and western organizations The study combines Antonio Gramsci's concept of subaltern, postcolonial theory, and queer theory. My research argues that the study of queer individuals as subalterns are underdeveloped, particularly in Africa, and aims to fill this gap. The research question is how queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe reflect on their subalternity as determined by conflicting identifications with the West and their native cultures. This research surveys queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe to explore a potential dual subalternity, where queer activists are excluded from the dominant hegemonic orders of Western imperialism and their government. The thesis also briefly overviews homosexuality in pre-colonial Africa and how colonialism altered African sexual practices, leading to homophobia in Zambia and Zimbabwe. The starting point for the empirical inquiry is a Critical Discourse Analysis of 33 Zambian and Zimbabwean news articles about homosexuality and LGBT activism. It establishes that three primary discourses are occurring related to queer activism: Religious, anti-west, and Public Health discourses. I take these findings and conduct an anonymous open-ended survey with ten queer activists, followed by an autoethnographic reflection. The findings from this survey suggest that queer activists do not feel completely marginalized from mainstream discourses. Additionally, the findings suggest that queer activists maintain that they have support from Western organizations and the media, specifically social media. The findings from both the CDA and open-ended surveys are then integrated together. This research suggests that queer activists reflect on their subalternity in three categories: Dual Subalternity, Contextual Subalternity, and Stereotypical Subalternity. My autoethnographic reflection is significant as it provides a personal perspective on the power dynamics and assumptions embedded in the research inquiry. Specifically, I accentuate the oversaturation of Western scholars in postcolonial studies and the opposition of queer NGOs towards engaging with Western inquiries. This research concludes with caution to Western postcolonial scholars who aim to apply Western concepts to non-Western groups.
Case studies of recent Russian aggressive actions in Ukraine, Russian security-related acts in Estonia, and a discourse analysis of the effects Russian aggression in Ukraine have had on Estonian discourses and policy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Beall, William Henry Klihr; Wilson, Andrew, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This master’s thesis explores gaps in research regarding the effects Russian aggression in Ukraine have had on high-level Estonian political and security discourses, and in effect, policy. Furthermore, the recent full-scale invasion of Ukraine and its effects on Estonia were examined in detail. One of the striking discoveries of this thesis was that Estonia, even though it is a small country, is particularly assertive regarding its neighbour Russia when it comes to security issues, as Estonia is fully aware that they could lose their democratic society if they are Russia’s next target after Ukraine. The aim of the thesis was not only to evaluate Russian aggression in Ukraine, and Russian-Estonian security problems, but also to understand the effects Russian aggression in Ukraine have had on Estonia. These effects were found in publicly available discourse of high level Estonian political figures and Estonian defence documents, that others have not yet analysed, and a direct correlation was seen between Russian aggression in Ukraine and changes to Estonian security policy. Furthermore, these events sparked debate in Estonia on how to deter Russian aggression. While exploring George F. Kennan’s famous theory of containment, striking similarities were found between the political culture of Soviet Russia and Putin’s regime. Furthermore, Kennan’s containment theory was found to remain relevant, as Estonia today has also encouraged a policy of containing Russia by encouraging cooperation with allies, the applying of sanctions to deter negative behaviour by Russia, adjusting Estonian security policies, and inviting NATO contingents on Estonian soil.
Centre-periphery relations in Germany: how Nord Stream 2 led to the stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) de Lange, Verena; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research concerns itself with the stigmatisation process of the German Bundesland Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. It argues that the German behavioural norm guiding accepted foreign policy regarding Russia changed drastically after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This change in behavioural norm led to the stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, which had, up until that point, a very pro-Russia attitude. The stigma which was subsequently attached to the state was that of a community of Russlandversteher. The analysis shows that this pro-Russia attitude can be attributed to the presence of Nord Stream 2 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The project came with investments and job security which the peripheral state needed, which led the political elites of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to pursue a Russia-friendly foreign policy. This cumulated in the set-up by the state’s prime-minister Manuela Schwesig of a Foundation which was meant to safeguard the construction of Nord Stream. 2 This choice led to a lot of criticism back in Spring 2022, when it turned out that Nord Stream AG had a lot more say in the Foundation than it was assumed, and this resulted in a lot of negative press attention for the state. This research analyses these news articles and shows that the media discourse is controlled by elites from the centre, who are responsible for stigmatising Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The periphery, in turn, is not a powerless entity, but engages in stigma-management in the discourse. This results in counter-narratives and denial of the stigma. Ultimately, the stigmatisation and counter-stigmatisation can be seen as a discursive struggle surrounding an abrupt change in the behavioural norm. The stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania contributes to the further peripheralisation of the state.
China's debt trap diplomacy on developing countries: the case study of Angola
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Uzoma, Stella Ogochukwu; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
China has been focusing on advancing its foreign policy toward developing countries through aid, loans, and investments since 2008. However, concerns have been raised about the amount and rate of these loans and the potential risks for debtor countries, as seen in cases like Sri Lanka and Uganda. This study investigates China's debt trap diplomacy on developing countries, with Angola as a case study. The study aims to determine the extent to which China has advanced its foreign policy goals towards Angola and how Angola's decision to borrow has advanced its interest. The study adopts a qualitative research approach, leveraging the liberalism theory. The findings reveal that China has indeed advanced its foreign policy goals toward Angola through its lending foreign policy which accounts for 75.9% of Angola's gross domestic product on average from 1995 to 2021. This development implies that Angola will show more loyalty to China's government and its counsel than any other international country lender. Moreover, Angola's borrowing decision has advanced its interest, as evidenced by the series of executed developmental projects, leading to rapid economic, social, and technological development. Despite increasing debt, this progress indicates a clear indication of progress, particularly after enduring years of the Cold War. Contrary to popular belief, the study concludes that China-Angola debt diplomacy is a win-win foreign policy relationship, benefiting both countries. Therefore, countries seeking financial aid from foreign sources should be cautious of the source of funds and the terms of return to prevent becoming trapped in debt unnecessarily. It is crucial for nations to consider all available possibilities when looking for financial assistance to maximize the likelihood of a successful conclusion for all parties involved.
Civil society against stately cybercontrol: the case of Russia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Maksimova, Mariia; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Fróis, Catarina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis investigates the Russian liberal civil society – a part of the Russian civil society that strives for a domestic socio-political change, democratization and liberalization of the current order – in cyberspace, where it must battle growing pressure from the state, seeking to control all dissent. I hypothesize that in its reaction to the stately cybercontrol, the liberal civil society develops cybersecurity practices that make it more potent and allow for a counteraction against the state. Hence, I use in-depth expert interviews and focus groups with representatives of the liberal civil society to collect the data for qualitative content analysis to analyze the research question. As a result, the thesis discovers a wide range of societal cybersecurity practices beyond defensive actions to include resistant components. Hence, I conclude that the Russian liberal civil society, although experiencing significant pressure that hinders its efficiency, can fight off the state’s attacks on it and continues to develop itself. The results of this study could be of value for viewing Russia not as a singular actor but as a context in which liberal powers are struggling against the authoritarian regime.
Collective security with(out)collective action? A comparative analysis of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (in)action upon requests for intervention by its member states
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Lopes de Castro Barbosa, Pedro; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Libman, Alexander, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is an Eurasian military alliance created in 2002. On one hand the Organization was developed with the aim to counter threats present in the region; on the other, its members continue to struggle with a plethora of state, transnational and domestic menaces. Thus, in four instances its members requested military assistance: Kyrgyzstan in 2010, Tajikistan in 2021, Kazakhstan and Armenia in 2022. However, only in the case of Kazakhstan CSTO granted its request and intervened. As a result, one might wonder why the organization is unable to provide effective security to its members besides their own requests of help. Hence, this thesis attempts to find explanations for ineffectiveness in alliances built on collective defense mechanisms. With this aim, this qualitative work makes a comparative analysis of the cases, using the Most Similar System Designs (MSSD) in order to trace a pattern which explains the observed divergent outcomes. Consequently, interviews with seven experts were made in order to gather data for the analysis. The MSSD analysis spotted four relevant factors, with two of them being determinant for the outcomes. Nonetheless, an alternative analysis, unable to be done with the same design, had other significant findings. By utilizing the rationalist approach of International Relations theory in order to interpret the results, the research showed two complementary rather than differing frameworks: the first which focused on the common consideration of threat by the alliance as well as the Russian interest in the matter, and the second concentrated on the other member states’ interests and in the context they operate. This thesis concludes that the best explanation consists of binding those two approaches in order to provide an answer for the research question.
Comfortable bed-fellows? Russia and the radical right after the Crimean annexation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Aitton, Liesa Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study examines the radical rightist stances of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), the Front National (FN), Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and the Vlaams Belang (VB) on Russia in the light of the Ukrainian crisis, in particularly the Crimean crisis. A focus will be placed on the radical right’s foreign policy agenda, and how this shaped their perspective towards Russia. In the past, the scholarship in this field has mostly ignored this topic in favour of analysing the internal dimension. Over the last couple years, the field has expanded to include external factors, such as Euroscepticism and Russophilia. However, most research chose to heavily feature anti- EU sentiments. Thus, questions regarding the relationship between Russia and the radical right remained unanswered. Through an analysis of party programs, voting patterns, and debates in the European Parliament, this thesis measures how and to what extend pro-Russian sentiments have manifested in the external dimension of the radical right. Additionally, patterns of pro-Russian and/or anti-Russian stances, are used to complement this analysis. Regardless of their attitude towards Russia, the findings suggest that the Russian Federation has recently started to appear on the radical right foreign policy agenda. In regard to the FN, the FPÖ, and Jobbik similar pragmatic and Eurosceptic arguments were brought forward to indicate a positive stance towards Russia. The VB supports some of these pragmatic principles as well, but generally perceives Russia in more neutral terms. Finally, those that are critical of the Russian Federation, primarily the AfD and UKIP, tend to use diverging reasons to support their view. As a consequence, patterns on radical right-Russia relations present a rather mixed perspective.
Constructing parallel worlds: comparative discourse analysis of the Union State of Russia and Belarus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Etsadashvili, Irakli; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The sphere of integration in the post-Soviet space, especially between Russian and Belarus, has always been viewed and studied through the practical prism, making an emphasis on the sides’ instrumental motives. Despite several attempts (Klinke 2008; Słowikowski 2022), the discursive side of post-Soviet integration efforts remains largely under-researched, whereas European integration remains one of the most prolific areas of poststructuralist discourse analysis application to IR discipline. The study applies Laclau’s poststructuralist discourse theory with its related ontology to the case of Minsk and Moscow’s attempt to unify within the Union State in the early 2000s. The thesis delves into the ways the sides were articulating their understandings of the Union State, as well as into the final products of such discursive practices. The study finds that in the early 2000s Minsk and Moscow discursively formed completely different, and often mutually exclusive, visions of unification within the Union State along all four of its axes: political, economic, energy, and monetary. Each other’s discursive structures were viewed as a radical ‘Other,’ threatening the ‘Self’s’ identity within the (future) Union State. Neither side’s discourse did not manage to hegemonize the social sphere, and become universally valid, thus foredooming the project's chances of success. This study is important as one of the first (if not the first) attempts to apply poststructuralist discourse analysis to the sphere of post-Soviet integration, thus opening up many other possibilities in this field of study.
Cooperation in the energy security sector: a case study of the prospective EU-Azerbaijan natural gas trade
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Kaldmaa, Kristjan; Pataccini, Leonardo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
European Union’s growing natural gas import dependence, high dependency on Russia’s gas and depletion of own intra-EU gas reserves has made EU look towards diversification of suppliers like Azerbaijan. Considering that nowadays energy ground involves various topics, neoliberalism with the help of international political economy liberal approach is used to explain EU energy security. For the analyse, considering the fuzziness of energy security concept, three energy security components reliability, affordability and sustainability are used, with applied indicators, to evaluate Azerbaijan’s fit. This thesis tries to analyse potential fit to EU energy ground, at the same time considering, that there is no gas trade between Azerbaijan and Baku. The thesis finds, that Azerbaijan fits good enough to EU energy security framework, but other factors are involved. The reliability of supply dimension gives Azerbaijan a positive outlook for being a supplier, yet while gas trade will improve cooperation and mutual benefit, the potential risk on transit is high due to Russia’s influence and interests in the region. Affordability dimension finds, that Azerbaijan’s gas is affordable for the EU market and has been less volatile in price fluctuation, but is still highly dependent on oil prices. But the prices are expected to rise and will rise Azerbaijan’s motivation towards EU market. Sustainability dimension finds that EU will benefit from Caspian import and by 2040 EU gas production has fallen almost three times, whereas Azerbaijan’s production has increased by almost three times. Due to potential increase in future gas flows, it serves EU’s aims to increase environmentally friendlier gas share in energy mix, which is seen as a bridge towards renewable energies. The thesis finds that through Azerbaijan’s gas export, EU’s energy security ground will benefit from supplies and diversification, while opening up new markets in the Caspian region and Middle East through Southern Gas Corridor.
Countering the Russian military threat in the Baltics: implementation of asymmetric non-linear defense model by the Estonian Defense League
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Linnus, Taavi; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Meimer, Rivo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The recent conflicts in Georgia, Ukraine and Syria have demonstrated that the Russian Federation is willing to use armed forces to achieve foreign policy goals. The next possible target for Russia’s expansionist foreign policy could be the Baltic states. To meet this challenge, the Baltic states are seeking to bolster their deterrence capabilities. The Estonian voluntary military organization, the Estonian Defense League, has taken a different approach from conventional by strengthening the Estonian defense posture by adopting an asymmetric non-linear defense model. The aim of this thesis is to examine how that model should be implemented. To do this, I examined the developments of the Russian Armed Forces since the military reform of 2008, established key capability areas and demonstrated how non-linear defense model can counter those capabilities.
Cultural diplomacy & the reproduction of identity and memory: the centenaries of Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Lithuania
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bélanger, Jessie; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In 2017 and 2018, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Lithuania celebrated the hundredth anniversary of their independence. Considering these countries have limited international visibility due to their limited resources, population density and territory size, such milestones represent an extraordinary opportunity to resolve the situation. The practice of cultural diplomacy within the realm of diplomacy continues to be underestimated. Since most of its understanding is still stained by the Cold War period and its research focus too USA-centric, the practice of cultural diplomacy continues to be misleading. Therefore, the thesis seeks to demonstrate the benefits of cultural diplomacy by applying its methods on concrete examples that have had considerable domestic and international reach. It also seeks to demonstrate its usefulness in situations where conflicts or tense relations are absent. Consequently, the cases of the centenaries of Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Finland have been chosen to highlight the potential of cultural diplomacy for small countries, who have yet to grow on the international stage. As a result, the research has found that the practice of cultural diplomacy was noticeable in the planning, organization, and celebration of the Estonian, Finnish, Latvian, and Lithuanian centenaries, and that its impacts, along with identity and collective memory, on small countries were consequential.
Cyber as a deterrent: utilizing offensive cyber capabilities in NATO's deterrence posture
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Oolup, Laura; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Due to the lack of attention on the strategic benefits offensive cyber capabilities hold and how they could be used as deterrents, the purpose of this paper is to contribute to the strategic thought on utilizing offensive cyber capabilities as means of cross-domain deterrence and more specifically how NATO could adopt that approach to bolster its deterrence posture. For this a case-study is conducted on NATO and its members who have offered their national cyber capabilities for NATO’s use. It was discovered that NATO has the potential enhancing its deterrence posture through the utilization of offensive cyber capabilities as means of deterrence based on the conditions set by the mainstream deterrence theories. Therefore, NATO should start with acknowledging the offensive cyber capabilities as means of its cross-domain deterrence. Second, it and the Allies should share the same understanding and communicate a clear unified message to the adversary on which effects are they willing to relay and how thereby offensive cyber operations are perceived. However, the classical deterrence theories fall short on explaining how exactly means with clandestine nature can be presented as a deterrent to the enemy. Furthermore, how to create the deterrent cyber threat by holding the functionality of the enemy’s infrastructure – which should achieve strategic effects if targeted – at risk. This confirmed the hypothesis that the classical deterrence theories neglect to explain how to develop offensive cyber capabilities into credible deterrents. Therefore, it was illuminated that the existing deterrence theory needs to be improved by acknowledging particularly two distinct features that offensive cyber capabilities hold: clandestine nature and that depending on the expected effect, the process of deploying the offensive cyber capability can be time consuming. Regarding the second feature, it requires to answer questions on how to hold the enemy at risk by threatening to harm with offensive cyber means its critical infrastructure – which should have greater strategic effect if targeted, but attacking it successfully may require long time to develop the tailored cyber weapon through - and if presence-based offensive approach is required, how to communicate that to the adversary without increasing instability between the actors.

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